更好捕捉产业变革风向、抓住时代机遇,力促传统产业“老树发新芽”,新兴产业“独木成森林”,未来产业“小树快成长” 浙江三门县一家水产育苗公司,每隔5分钟,一只只电子眼将每只青蟹的最新情况传回“AI智慧大脑”,记录分析生长状态,及时反馈异常发现,为海水养殖业创新发展探路。 位于杭州市余杭区的之江实验室,此前发布“三体计算星座”计划,致力于打造天基智能计算基础设施,实现卫星之间互联互通,2025年计划发射超过50颗计算卫星。 星辰大海,创新涌动。2024年的中国经济年报显示,我国规模以上高技术制造业增加值较上年增长8.9%;高技术服务业投资比上年增长10.2%;规模以上数字产品制造业增加值增速明显快于规模以上工业。加快积蓄的新动能新优势,为深入认识中国经济发展的潜能提供了生动素材。 产业智能化里有潜能。看京津冀,三地合力共造“一辆车”,来自天津、河北的数百家关键零部件企业为小米汽车提供配套支持,十几万台新能源汽车从小米汽车北京工厂销向全国。在长三角,一台弧焊机器人,轴承来自温州,伺服电机产地衢州,减速机为苏州出品,下线一台“全长三角造”机器人只需12分钟。产业集聚为培育新兴产业提供更高效率、更低成本的供应链支撑,产业向新又为推动区域协同发展提供抓手,这样的互动释放巨大潜力。 应用多元化里有潜能。数字经济的蓬勃发展还得益于需求牵引。超大规模市场和完整产业体系,让我们发展新兴产业具备了场景丰富的独特优势。国产大模型在落地应用方面百花齐放,加速服务千行百业;人形机器人持续演进,竞相走出实验室,进厂“实训”;自动驾驶技术不断成熟,一辆辆“聪明的车”驶上“智慧的路”。丰富的应用场景给新兴产业提出了许多新课题,也带来强劲驱动和宝贵的推广机遇。 以更大视角看,新型工业化、新型城镇化、农业现代化扎实推进,为数字经济提供了广阔舞台;数字娱乐、在线教育、直播及短视频购物等新型消费蓬勃发展,持续带动着高技术服务业的进步;数字产业化和产业数字化稳步推进,不断激发数字经济的潜力。 第五次全国经济普查新增数字经济等调查内容,结果显示,我国数字经济蓬勃发展,新兴产业拔节生长。立足独特优势,因地制宜培育发展新质生产力,我国经济还将打开新空间、创造新可能。 新领域新赛道往往是“无人区”,需要制度供给的持续跟进。比如,数据作为数字经济时代的新型生产要素,潜在价值大、发展变化快。2024年以来,数据要素市场化配置改革不断推进,《中共中央办公厅国务院办公厅关于加快公共数据资源开发利用的意见》等多项制度文件接连落地,为释放数据要素价值提供政策支撑。围绕新动能发展的堵点卡点,加强政策保障,方能助力企业跑出创新加速度。 我国发展正处在动能转换的关键时期,一些传统动能在减弱,但又有一些新动能在茁壮成长。乘势而上,更好捕捉产业变革风向、抓住时代机遇,力促传统产业“老树发新芽”,新兴产业“独木成森林”,未来产业“小树快成长”,定能把各方面有利因素转化为发展新动能,为经济高质量发展添动力。
【环球网财经综合报道】2024年12月23日,中国宏桥(01378.HK)与其附属公司宏创控股(002379.SZ)共同公告,宏创控股正在筹划通过发行股份收购山东宏拓实业有限公司(下称:宏拓实业)100%股权。 宏拓实业是中国宏桥旗下核心产业平台,拥有后者及其附属公司位于中国内地全部铝合金产品、氧化铝产品及部分铝合金加工产品生产线。根据最新数据,宏拓实业净资产达到人民币472.14亿元(未经审计)。 随着后续此次交易的完成,意味着中国宏桥在国内的核心资产将正式进入A股市场。市场反响层面,相对当前宏创控股百亿市值,业界预计将引发不小的价值重估新空间,并带动中国宏桥的整体估值重新审视。 值得注意的是,这项资本运作有望助力中国宏桥进一步优化产业布局,提升资产配置效率,并为公司长远发展奠定坚实基础。中国宏桥表示,宏创控股收购宏拓实业后,公司在宏创控股的持股比例将相应提高,宏拓实业亦将继续作为集团的附属公司。通过此次交易,将有助于提升本集团资产证券化水平,促进本集团长远发展。 旗下470亿资产将回A股 价值迎来重估 中国宏桥是全球领先的铝产品制造商之一,业务板块横跨热电、采矿、氧化铝、液态铝合金等多个领域,形成了独具优势的全产业链布局。自2023年下半年以来,铝业驶入周期上升通道,行业景气度持续提升为业内企业带来业绩增长机会。 根据最新财报,2024年上半年中国宏桥营业收入达到735.92亿元,同比增长12%。特别是在铝产品的销售量和价格双重上涨的驱动下,公司的毛利和溢利呈现爆发式增长,分别同比大幅攀升202.1%和236.7%。 在这一轮周期性增长中,铝产品价格和销量的同步攀升,以及关键原材料成本的下降,是中国宏桥业绩增长的重要驱动力。公开信息显示,2024年上半年,伦敦金属交易所三月期铝平均价同比上涨约1.6%至2401美元/吨;上期所三月期铝均价同比上涨8.2%至19846元/吨。 需要指出的是,如此卓越的业绩表现,不仅得益于周期性因素,也离不开中国宏桥产业链上下游的精确布局和深度协同。 在2024年半年报中,中国宏桥董事会主席张波提到,集团上游氧化铝业务的不断完善,在确保了自身成本稳定性的同时,有效延伸了产业链,成功实现了氧化铝利润的增加,为集团的业务增长创造了重要价值。 报告期内,中国宏桥来自氧化铝的收入提升至22%,来自铝合金加工产品的收入也提升至10.3%,同期,中国宏桥与多家汽车生产商达成了战略合作。 对于中国宏桥而言,此次交易不仅是一次资本市场的有效操作,更是一次价值重估的契机。通过资产注入,宏创控股的市值将得到大幅提升,这无疑将带动中国宏桥的整体估值重新审视。 业内人士指出,A股市场的估值水平通常高于港股,尤其是在铝业这一领域,A股公司往往具有更高的市场认可度。因此,通过此次交易,宏创控股的市场表现可能会引发资本市场对中国宏桥的估值提升,使得这家在港股上市的铝业巨头能够在资本市场获得更多的关注和认同。 兹以验证的是,摩根士丹利最新研报给予中国宏桥15.40港元的目标价,美国银行全球研究团队则给予16.50港元的目标价,相较当前股价分别存在近30%、40%的上涨空间。 积极延伸产业触角 光伏及新能源汽车需求提升 业绩的超预期表现也推动了中国宏桥股价稳步提升,2024年全年累计上涨超过97%,这一表现无疑证明了资本市场对中国宏桥持续增长和未来潜力的高度认可。 近年来,中国宏桥构建起从铝土矿开采到铝合金加工的全产业链布局,使其在铝业的各个环节都具备了强大的控制力和市场竞争力,并实现优于行业的业绩表现。 据介绍,在国际市场上,中国宏桥与几内亚的铝土矿项目合作,打造了一条自国外矿山到国内工厂、集多式联运为一体的完整产业链条。截至2023年,中国宏桥的氧化铝合计运行产能已达到1950万吨,这些产能确保了其氧化铝的自供能力,并极大提升了生产成本的控制能力。 值得注意的是,在铝业受益向上周期发展的同时,新能源、光伏等新兴产业的快速发展,也进一步助推了铝业需求。海通国际发布的研报显示,全球铝需求在2024年第四季度进一步增长,尤其是在光伏、新能源汽车等行业的推动下,铝需求将持续拉动。 把握行业增量机遇,中国宏桥积极延伸产业触角,在铝合金加工领域取得显著进展,并迅速开拓了新能源汽车、光伏等产业的市场份额。目前,中国宏桥已与北汽制造、比亚迪、深向等多家汽车生产商建立了合作关系,为其提供轻量化材料解决方案。此外,还投资了多家乘用车和商用车企业,通过打造样板工程,进一步拓展市场份额。 可以看到,中国宏桥通过整合上游资源、加强技术研发与创新,减少了对外部供应商的依赖,使得公司能够在全球铝业竞争中保持优势。而在下游领域,公司通过扩大产品种类和应用场景,提升了自身在多个市场的渗透力和影响力。正是通过这样的产业链一体化战略,使中国宏桥得以在铝业的不同环节中实现协同效应,并持续释放出巨大的增长潜力。 展望后市,外界预计铝业将在较长一段时间维持周期向上趋势,助力龙头企业长期向好发展。国金证券发布研报称,2025年供应端硬性制约较为明显,需求端光伏及新能源车继续驱动铝消费量级提升。其中,预计2025年供需矛盾的演绎更加显著,低库存及需求量级增长有望放大铝价上行空间,吨铝利润有望扩张,稳定利润及现金流带来铝板块估值抬升。(一言)
1月3日,在国务院新闻办举行的新闻发布会上,国家发展改革委有关负责人介绍2024年中国扎实推进经济高质量发展有关情况。 经济实力、科技实力、综合国力持续增强 国家发展改革委副主任赵辰昕表示,2024年,中国经济实力、科技实力、综合国力持续增强,中国式现代化迈出新的坚实步伐。 创新活力持续激发,新旧动能转换加快。中国因地制宜发展新质生产力,为高质量发展提供源源不断的新动能。一方面,支持全面创新的基础制度加快健全,重大科技基础设施体系化建设不断推进。另一方面,创新驱动发展成效持续显现,传统产业加快升级,新兴产业加快发展,未来产业加快布局。 协调发展扎实推进,空间格局更趋优化。深入实施区域协调发展战略、乡村振兴战略、新型城镇化战略,城乡区域协调发展不断扎实推进。京津冀、长三角、粤港澳大湾区引领带动作用进一步增强。第二轮乡村全面振兴规划印发实施,脱贫攻坚成果巩固拓展,以工代赈吸纳务工就业超300万人次。 绿色低碳转型加快,发展底色更加鲜明。协同推进降碳减污扩绿增长取得新的积极成效。出台加快经济社会发展全面绿色转型的意见,深入实施全面节约战略,扎实推进碳达峰碳中和。加快实施重要生态系统保护和修复重大工程,出台施行生态保护补偿条例,深入打好蓝天、碧水、净土保卫战。 开放水平稳步提升,国际合作持续拓宽。加快建设更高水平开放型经济新体制,制造业领域外资准入限制措施实现“清零”,外贸进出口保持较快增长,特别是前11个月汽车出口584万辆,居世界首位,再创历史新高。 市场预期有效提振,经济运行明显回升 国家发展改革委副秘书长袁达表示,随着各项决策部署加快落地见效,特别是去年9月26日中央政治局会议部署实施一揽子增量政策后,市场预期有效提振,经济运行明显回升。 一方面,发展向好势头增强。工业增长加快,去年11月,规模以上工业增加值同比增长5.4%,增速比上月快0.1个百分点。服务业较快增长,11月服务业生产指数同比增长6.1%。企业预期有所改善,12月制造业采购经理指数(PMI)为50.1%,连续3个月保持扩张态势。另一方面,发展新动能不断壮大。产业加快转型升级,11月高技术制造业、装备制造业增加值同比分别增长7.8%、7.6%,均快于全部规模以上工业增速。新产品增速较快,11月工业机器人、新能源汽车产量分别增长29.3%、51.1%。 与此同时,发展质量持续提高。就业形势总体平稳,去年前11个月城镇新增就业1198万人,同比多增18万人。教育、医疗、体育等公共服务设施加快补齐,“一老一小”服务体系更加完善。安全发展基础巩固夯实,粮食产量再创历史新高,煤电油气供应保障有力。 “总的看,我们对推动今年经济持续回升向好充满信心,对高质量完成‘十四五’规划目标任务充满信心。”袁达说。 推动标志性改革举措落地见效 党的二十届三中全会部署了一系列重大改革举措。国家发展改革委副秘书长肖渭明表示,2025年,将突出经济体制改革这个重点,推动标志性改革举措落地见效,切实稳预期、强信心、促发展。 肖渭明重点提到,2025年,将加快建设全国统一大市场,加快促进民营经济发展。据介绍,近期国家发展改革委将向社会公布《全国统一大市场建设指引》,抓紧出台《市场准入负面清单(2025年版)》,制定《公平竞争审查条例》实施办法。促进民营经济发展方面,在宏观政策取向一致性评估中对涉民营经济的政策开展专项评估,推进基础设施竞争性领域向经营主体公平开放,特别是向民营企业公平开放。 推进对外开放方面,赵辰昕表示,体制机制上,将稳步扩大制度型开放,深化外商投资促进体制机制改革,采取有效措施鼓励外资企业境内再投资。稳步推进服务业开放,推动扩大电信、医疗、教育等领域开放试点。政策引导上,将修订扩大鼓励外商投资产业目录,加快推进海南自由贸易港封关准备工作。服务保障上,将适时推出新一批重大外资项目,协调解决项目落地涉及的用地、用海、环评、能耗等问题;健全境外投资管理、服务、监管和风险防控体系,加强境外投资促进和保障。
Merchants in Yiwu, East China's Zhejiang Province responded to the additional 10 percent tariffs imposed on Chinese goods by the US administration of Donald Trump with various measures to beef up the competitiveness of their products, with some businesspeople pointing out the tariff-induced costs will be ultimately passed to consumers in the US. Chinese analysts said that despite significant challenges to global free trade and multilateral trade rules posed by the US' unilateral and protectionist tariffs, China's foreign trade sector can effectively mitigate the damage caused by the US tariffs, with the resourcefulness of its entrepreneurs, the competitiveness of its products, its supply chain advantages and multi-layered support from government at all levels. Coping with change As the US' imposition of 10 percent tariffs on all Chinese goods to the US under the pretext of issues such as fentanyl went into effect, the world is zooming on Yiwu, China's export manufacturing hub. Hong Kong-based newspaper Sing Tao Daily reported that some vendors are receiving large orders in the first days since they resumed work after the Spring Festival holidays. Telephone interviews by the Global Times indicated that merchants in Yiwu are prepared and are generally calm as they brace for the impact of tariffs, even as some express mixed reactions. To many merchants in the city, the tariffs came as a disappointment, but hardly a surprise. Some companies raised concerns about the impact of the US' protectionist stance and its ripple effects that could affect business in other regions, but many vowed to try to maintain their existing market share by working inwardly, such as optimizing their business structures and improving efficiency in the upper stream of the supply chain, to improve their profit margins while trying to grab new markets as alternatives. They are confident in mitigating the risk through market diversification and strong customer relationships. "The US tariff increase could affect both our customers' profits and ours, especially on our more traditional product lines. However, we are actively addressing the challenge," Wang Nan, owner of Yiwu Conan Hardware Tools Trading Company, an exporter based in Yiwu, told the Global Times on Wednesday. Wang did not disclose an estimate of the impact of the tariffs on his business. "We are not lowering our prices because of the tariffs, as business relies on mutual support," Wang said. Wang said the tariffs pushed his company to double down on developing distinctively new products different from existing offerings. This should justify premium pricing and offset tariff-related losses, according to the seller of hardware tools. Another Yiwu-based exporter, Zeng Hao from Jinqi Technology Co, is more optimistic. "Some 80 percent of our products are exported to the US, following a branding and high-end strategy. Our competitive advantage lies in our continuous design innovation, backed by the scale and supply chain strengths of Yiwu," Zeng told the Global Times, noting that the tariffs would be a driver for the emergence of highly innovative, high-profit products. Meanwhile, some merchants told the Global Times that certain exported products are essential, and minor price fluctuations in orders can be managed. "Supposing demand from the US will drop slightly due to tariffs, we have other markets to fill in as many countries around the world celebrate Christmas, not just the US," Cai Qinliang, secretary general of the Yiwu Christmas Products Industry Association, told the Global Times on Wednesday. The reaction from Yiwu merchants has underlined Chinese exporters' agility, efficiency, and resilience to fast-changing market conditions including the direct and indirect shocks brought by the US' unilateral imposing of protectionist tariffs, Li Yong, a senior research fellow at the China Association of International Trade, told the Global Times on Wednesday. "Since Trump imposed tariffs during his previous presidential term, many companies have already redeployed their business and now those that still export product from China to the US are actually catering to rigid demand there," Li said These advantages have ensured the robust growth of Yiwu's foreign trade. In 2024, the city's foreign trade jumped by 18.2 percent year-on-year to 668.93 billion yuan ($91.51 billion). Exports grew by 17.7 percent. Despite the achievement, the city's commerce bureau has attached great importance to maintaining the momentum of foreign trade this year and has acted to organize local companies to attend some 50 trade shows globally, with a focus on Southeast Asia and Africa, according to a statement the bureau sent to the Global Times in January. All out support At the recently concluded local two sessions - the annual meetings of provincial-level lawmakers and political advisors - in Zhejiang, the East China economic powerhouse where Yiwu is located, the province said it aims to largely retain its proportion in national exports, which came in at 15.3 percent in 2024, unchanged in 2025, according to a report by domestic news portal people.com.cn in January. In particular, the province is eyeing ramping up annual throughput at its Ningbo-Zhoushan Port to 40 million standard containers, dispatching over 2,500 China-Europe cargo freight trains in 2025, and growing its cross-border e-commerce trade value by 20 percent. On top of local efforts, central government agencies are also rolling out new measures to help ward off the negative impacts of the US' tariffs. At a working meeting held from February 7-8, the General Administration of Customs (GAC) vowed to promote the improvement of foreign trade quality while stabilizing its volume, and promote the policy boosts from existing and incremental supportive measures. In 2024, countries participating in the Belt and Road Initiative accounted for more than 50 percent of China's total foreign trade value for the first time in history, with the figure reaching 50.3 percent, a GAC official said in January. US customers to bear costs Li noted that Trump's tariffs will cause more harm to the US, as they will increase inflation, slow US economic growth, and make American consumers pay the price. China's opposition to unilateral and protectionist tariffs imposed by the US has been clear and consistent. Assuming the US follows through on the tariffs it announced earlier for Canada and Mexico, and if those tariffs stay in place through 2025, US consumer prices could see a one-time rise of between 0.5 percent and 0.7 percent, according to US-based financial information and analytics firm S&P Global dated on February 6. On Wednesday, the US headline consumer price index in January rose by 0.5 percent from December, exceeding expectations, according to Reuters. S&P Global expects that the US inflation rate could approach 3 percent by the fourth quarter of 2025.
A more proactive fiscal policy toolkit will play a bigger role in counter-cyclical adjustments in 2025 amid sluggish domestic demand, a tepid property market, and local government debt risks, as well as rising protectionism, to help the country tackle various challenges head-on and spur stable growth, analysts said. A budget deficit of up to 4 percent of gross domestic product, the highest on record, could be considered along with increased issuance of local government special-purpose bonds and ultra-long special treasury debt, to anchor market expectations, boost domestic demand, and weather external shocks, they added. The annual Central Economic Work Conference, where the nation's policymakers set the policy agenda for the world's second-largest economy in mid-December, charted a "more proactive" fiscal policy in 2025 for the first time, explicitly noting "an increase in its deficit ratio". Details surrounding the annual fiscal deficit target are usually unveiled in March during the annual meeting of the National People's Congress — the country's top legislature, said Guan Tao, global chief economist at BOCI China. However, the recent meeting's clear policy direction came as the authorities felt the need to act swiftly and communicate their fiscal plans more transparently to shore up market confidence as the economy is facing severe headwinds, Guan said. Since the deficit ratio was set at 3 percent for 2024, analysts predict the figure could reach 3.5 to 4 percent in 2025, which will be officially announced at the NPC meeting in March. "The fiscal deficit ratio holds a special significance compared to other fiscal policy tools, as people often gauge the government's policy stance based on this specific indicator," said Luo Zhiheng, chief economist at Yuekai Securities. China has the policy room to raise the deficit ratio to 3.5 percent or even up to 4 percent, so as to scale up its fiscal firepower available to drive domestic demand and economic stability, and provide much-needed relief to local governments, Luo said. Funding the deficit expansion through government bond issuances can translate into faster spending and more direct support for local economies, as they face fewer constraints in terms of their usage compared with special treasury bonds and local government special-purpose bonds, Luo added. However, the deficit ratio alone does not adequately capture the true extent of the government's policy actions. The deficit number in China's general public budget account is just one piece of the puzzle. Special treasury bonds and local government special-purpose bonds, which are classified under government-managed funds, are not included in this deficit calculation, said Zhang Jun, chief economist of China Galaxy Securities. Over the past three years, the sluggish property and land markets have led to a significant drop in land sales revenue, which accounts for a large portion of government-managed fund revenue, Zhang said. The drop in land-based revenue has put pressure on government-managed funds, prompting China to turn to alternative financing channels. To stabilize government-managed fund expenditures, China has increased the issuance of special treasury bonds and expanded the quota for local government special-purpose bonds, Zhang added. In the first 10 months of 2024, China's government-managed fund budget expenditures declined by 2.6 percent year-on-year, reaching around 8.1 trillion yuan ($1.1 trillion). This came against the backdrop of a significant 22.4 percent plunge in land sales revenue during the same period, according to data from the Ministry of Finance. The narrowing of expenditure decline can be attributed to the issuance of 1 trillion yuan in ultra-long-term special treasury bonds and nearly 4 trillion yuan in new special local government bonds last year, Zhang said. The usage of local government special-purpose bonds, as outlined during the meeting of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee in mid-December, will extend to purchasing idle land resources, increasing land reserves, and acquiring existing commercial housing units for government-subsidized housing purposes. This expansion of usage scope, combined with the previously announced 800 billion yuan quota specifically for debt reduction, has led experts to forecast that the new quota for local government special-purpose bonds in 2025 will exceed 4 trillion yuan. Wang Qing, chief macroeconomic analyst at Golden Credit Rating International, said that local government land sales revenue is likely to see negative growth again this year, which will weigh on government-managed fund expenditures. However, the new issuance of special-purpose bonds, in addition to the debt reduction quota, is expected to increase to between 4.5 and 5 trillion yuan this year, Wang said, stressing that this substantial increase, which sits outside the regular public budget, is set to play a crucial role in supporting government fund expenditures and offsetting the decline in land-based revenue. Compared to special local government bonds, which are a more traditional policy instrument, special treasury bonds can enhance the effectiveness of fiscal policies and deliver precise, tailored solutions to the challenges facing the economy, analysts said. The volume of ultra-long special treasury bonds — typically those with a tenor of more than 10 years — is expected to increase from the current 1 trillion yuan to between 1.5 and 2 trillion yuan in 2025, said Zhang of China Galaxy Securities. The country is also expected to issue 1 trillion yuan of special treasury bonds to support State-owned large commercial banks in replenishing their Tier-1 core capital, enhancing their ability to withstand risks and increasing credit extension, thereby better serving the real economy, Zhang said. Tier-1 core capital refers to the core capital held in a bank's reserves, including common stock and disclosed reserves. When observing the strength of China's proactive fiscal policy, the adjustment of expenditure structure is just as important as the expansion of spending volume, analysts said. To optimize the fiscal spending structure, policy focus is transitioning from being primarily investment-driven to now placing equal importance on both investment and consumption, said Luo of Yuekai Securities. Investment and consumption are the yin and yang of domestic demand — it's not an either-or situation, the goal is to find the optimal mix of the two complementary forces to ensure well-rounded growth, Luo said. Infrastructure investment must be coupled with considerations around population mobility, structural changes, and boosting the economy's potential growth rate, Luo said, adding that fiscal spending needs to be increased in areas such as healthcare, education, and elderly care. This increased focus on social welfare expenditures is closely linked to China's ongoing urbanization efforts and the integration of migrant workers into the urban economy, to boost their willingness to spend, Luo said. Meanwhile, the trade-in policy for consumer goods, which provides incentives from fiscal spending for consumers to replace older products, has already shown clear signs of positive outcomes, Luo said. The trade-in policy had driven over 1 trillion yuan in related product sales as of Dec 13, contributing to the sale of over 5.2 million passenger vehicles, as well as the purchase of more than 49 million units of household appliances, data from the Ministry of Commerce show. In 2025, policymakers should encompass a wider range of consumer products under the trade-in programs, allowing more households to participate in and benefit from the initiative, Luo added. Given the uncertainty surrounding fiscal revenue and the pace of special bond issuances, policymakers should be prepared to promptly augment budgets within the year to accelerate expenditure growth and better leverage the counter-cyclical function of fiscal policy, Luo added.
CHRISTCHURCH, New Zealand — Many students in New Zealand have a story to tell about “streaming” — being grouped into separate math classes based on their perceived ability to master the subject. Manaaki Waretini-Beaumont, now 18 and an environmental science major at the University of Canterbury, learned about the downside of streaming when she enrolled in Avonside Girls’, a 1,000-student high school in Christchurch. Avonside starts at Year 9, equivalent to eighth grade in the United States, and ends at Year 13, equivalent to 12th grade. Before the start of her Year 9 term, Waretini-Beaumont and her fellow students were divided up into groups to take tests in “maths,” reading comprehension, and patterns and shapes. Afterward, the students were separated into lettered groups that spelled out the word B-I-N-O-C-U-L-A-R-S. Waretini-Beaumont was a “9-N” student in mathematics — as she describes it, “the top of the middle block.” But she said she didn’t feel comfortable as one of the few Māori students in the class. “I felt like I wasn’t good enough to be in that space,” said Waretini-Beaumont, whose iwi, or tribal affiliations, are Te Āti Haunui-A-Pāpārangi, Ngāti Rangi, Ngāti Apa, Ngāti Paoa. “If there was something I wasn’t understanding, I felt like I wasn’t able to say that, because I’m supposed to be in the smart class with all these smart people.” So she shifted to another mathematics class with her Māori friends, who were in the “S” classes. “Being in two different spaces, I could really see the change,” Waretini-Beaumont said. “At the top classes, the teachers’ language towards the students was always positive and it was always encouraging. And they really wanted students to learn and were trying to help them.” In the classroom where her friends were assigned, in contrast, the mathematics work mostly amounted to simple worksheets — “coloring pages and word find,” Waretini-Beaumont said. Related: Sign up for a limited-run newsletter that walks you through some of the most promising solutions for helping students conquer math. For years, much like in the United States, New Zealand has worried about sliding student proficiency in mathematics, as captured by both national and international test scores. Later this month — the beginning of the New Zealand school year — the country is launching an overhaul of mathematics instruction that education leaders hope will reverse the trend. But other groups in the country have been trying to approach the problem of academic achievement from a different angle. They believe that streaming is driving achievement gaps in the country, including in mathematics. Tokona te Raki/Māori Futures Collective, a think tank focused on youth, has been working since 2019 to persuade schools to voluntarily end the practice by 2030. The initiative is called “Kōkirihia”— Māori for “take action.” Streaming is just one of many ways that schools group students by academic ability. Ability grouping can include separating students into vocational or university tracks at different schools as early as age 10, as is common in Germany and other Western European countries. But it could also include teachers creating informal and non-permanent groupings within their own classrooms to provide enrichment or extra support to students who need it. In New Zealand, critics say streaming pushes two groups into so-called “cabbage,” or lower-level mathematics, at a disproportionate rate: Māori students, who are indigenous to New Zealand, and students who are Pasifika, the New Zealand term for people from Samoa, Tonga and other nations in the Pacific Islands. In the 14th century, the Polynesian ancestors of today’s Māori migrated thousands of miles by canoe to what they called Aotearoa, the land of the long white cloud. Hundreds of years later, English settlers came to engage in trade and now represent the majority ethnic group in New Zealand. In 1840, the two groups signed the Treaty of Waitangi that established New Zealand’s bicultural identity. Many youth with Pacific Island backgrounds are descended from people who were encouraged to move to New Zealand after World War II to address a labor shortage. Both Māori and Pasifika are a fast-growing, and young, population. By the 2040s, more than a third of children in the country are expected to identify as Māori, according to Stats NZ, the country’s official data agency. Related: Eliminating advanced math ‘tracks’ often prompts outrage. Some districts buck the trend The New Zealand Ministry of Education’s official stance discourages streaming, but the country’s more than 2,500 schools operate with a great deal of independence: Principals have similar powers and responsibilities as school superintendents in the United States, and each school has an elected board that sets policy and manages budgets. New Zealand does not track streaming or ability grouping by race or ethnicity, but surveys show it is common: Eighty percent of students are in schools that group students by ability level in mathematics, according to a 2022 survey conducted by the Program for International Student Assessment. Other data shows a wide academic gap among students of different ethnicities in New Zealand. In the Auckland region, the country’s most densely populated of 16 regions in all, 76 percent of Asian students left secondary school with the highest of three levels on the country’s National Certificate of Educational Achievement in 2022. Like a high school diploma, the NCEA Level 3 is a minimum qualification to enter college in New Zealand. About 66 percent of Pākehā, or white, students left school with that credential. About 46 percent of Pasifika students and 40 percent of Māori students did the same. In comparison, the high school graduation rate by race and ethnicity in the United States in the 2021-22 school year was 94 percent for Asian American/Pacific Islander students, 90 percent for white students, 83 percent for Hispanic students, 81 percent for Black students and 74 percent for American Indian/Alaskan Native students. Misbah Sadat, the newly appointed principal at Kuranui College, a high school 50 miles northeast of the capital of Wellington, began actively working to “destream” mathematics courses soon after emigrating to New Zealand in 2009 and becoming a teacher there. As head of mathematics at a high school called Horowhenua College, she started by identifying promising Māori students on her own, moving them to higher level classes, and mentoring them, as described in a Ministry of Education newsletter. Related: OPINION: As a middle-class Black student, I was tracked into lower-level math classes that kept me back Eventually she convinced her colleagues at Horowhenua to create mixed-ability classes rather than dividing the students. She continued the same work as deputy principal at Onslow College in suburban Wellington, where she worked before her new appointment. The streaming practice comes from a patronizing mindset, said Sadat, who was also a math teacher in Montgomery County, Maryland. Schools are telling parents that their children might be lost and overwhelmed in a more rigorous class. In actuality, “We have demoted some students to learn crap,” she said. “And then we are saying that at age 16, ‘You are dumb at maths.’ How dare we decide what a young person is capable of or not capable of?” Both of New Zealand’s unions for elementary and secondary teachers signed onto the pledge to end streaming by 2030. In a newsletter to members, the elementary teachers union noted that its members have noticed “a sense of ingrained hopelessness that comes with being in the ‘cabbage’ classes.” But in the same newsletter, another teacher said educators struggle with the mix of abilities in one classroom, along with managing behavior challenges. David Pomeroy, a senior lecturer in education at the University of Canterbury in Christchurch, is studying schools that have committed to reducing their reliance on streaming. It’s a difficult task, he said. So many teachers are accustomed to the practice, since they went through it in school themselves. Parents of students in high-level classes are worried their children will be shortchanged. Teachers also say that it is easier to work with students who are all roughly on the same skill level. And then there is an emotional connection to the practice, Pomeroy said. Unlike in the United States, lower-level mathematics classes are often taught by teachers who have a lot of classroom experience and who express real fondness for their students, he said. Pushing students too hard is seen as setting them up for repeated failure, which teachers were reluctant to do. “Even if they accepted streaming wasn’t the right next step, they wanted to protect them from anything that could damage their confidence,” Pomeroy said. For schools that have made a commitment to reducing or ending streaming, he said, one useful tool has been to bring mathematics teachers in different schools together so they can work through challenges, such as lesson planning, and share successes. Related: Racial gaps in math have grown. Could detracking help? The research into the benefits or harms of academic tracking or streaming show mixed results. In 2016, a group of researchers compiled all the best U.S-based research on ability grouping and acceleration at that point, going back for a century. They found certain kinds of ability grouping, such as placing highly gifted students together, was a benefit to those students. But grouping students in high- or low-performing classes did not show any benefit or detriment for students. The New Zealand Initiative, a right-of-center think tank, said that the country should conduct its own research on the effects of streaming in the country, rather than relying primarily on research done elsewhere and on qualitative reports that primarily capture feelings about the practice. “Research suggests that lowerstream students are often taught less engaging content by less experienced teachers. So, it may not be streaming itself that increases gaps in achievement but streaming done poorly,” the initiative said in a report. But the efforts to reduce streaming voluntarily seem to be catching on. When looking at all academic subjects, not just mathematics, principals on a 2022 PISA survey said 67 percent of students in New Zealand are grouped by ability into different classes for at least some subjects. That’s a drop from 2015, when 90 percent of principals reported that students were grouped into different classes in their schools. The change is welcome, said Waretini-Beaumont, who works on social media for Tokona te Raki. Streaming “has more impact than just cutting off some opportunities and stopping someone from doing calculus,” she said. “Our grandparents have been streamed and they don’t know it was even a thing. They just thought they were dumb.” Contact Christina A. Samuels at 212-678-3635 or samuels@hechingereport.org. This story was produced with support from the Education Writers Association Reporting Fellowship program. This story about academic tracking was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.
Lara Evangelista remembers a high school student calling her to say his parents were picked up by immigration officers while selling clothes on the side of the road. That was 2017, and Evangelista was then a principal. Now the executive director of Internationals Network, a nonprofit that works with schools to support immigrant youth, Evangelista is spending the final days of the Biden administration helping schools prepare to support newcomer families. That means laboring to help families understand policies and put plans in place for legal issues that may arise during the administration change, such as making sure they are updating and organizing any of their immigration paperwork. In that way, Evangelista is like other advocates who work with newcomer students. President-elect Donald Trump has pledged mass deportation, and his plans could impact many of the estimated 13 million families in the country who are undocumented or holding temporary visa status. And as Trump prepares to take office on Jan. 20, his rhetoric has created a climate of fear, according to advocates. For newcomer students, that may mean more missed school time, advocates warn. Schools have always been a safe haven for immigrant families, a place that is secure because it’s generally off-limits for immigration enforcement, says Wendy Cervantes, director of the immigration and immigrant families team at the Center For Law and Social Policy in Washington, D.C. If schools no longer feel like a secure environment, it could further prevent immigrant students — or children from immigrant families — from going to school, she says. Compared to the previous Trump term, the immigration rhetoric is stronger and more focused on active deportations, Evangelista says. Students hear adults around them discuss what the incoming administration is saying about immigrants, and they're afraid, says Alejandra Vázquez Baur, director of the National Newcomer Network, a coalition seeking to improve educational access for newcomer students in K-12 public schools and a project of The Century Foundation. It’s not just deportation. From ending temporary protected status to increasing collaborations with local law enforcement, the Trump administration is considering a number of policies that worry newcomers, she suggests. Worried that a climate of fear and confusion over immigration policy will harm education for newcomer students, these advocates are helping schools to prepare by bolstering schools’ understanding of rights and obligations under current law and helping students to confront their feelings of fear and hopelessness. ‘A Climate of Fear’ Even in the best of times, newcomer students face extra challenges. It's known that some newcomer immigrant students — particularly from places that have high poverty and potential violence and unstable educational systems — often come with interrupted or limited formal education, says Carolyn Sattin-Bajaj, an associate professor of education at the Gevirtz Graduate School of Education at the University of California, Santa Barbara. And it also takes time for people to feel connected to school and feel like it's a safe place, particularly for those who are undocumented and therefore more reticent to engage with public institutions, she says. Students may also have extra familial responsibilities, such as taking care of a younger sibling or acting as translator for household members at doctor appointments, Sattin-Bajaj says. But across a number of districts around the country, absences for English language learners rose higher than for other students during the pandemic. In a particularly stark example in Huntsville, Arizona, highlighted by The 74, language learners saw a four-fold increase in absenteeism during the pandemic, while other students' absenteeism actually decreased during the same period. To advocates, these numbers mean that attendance for immigrant populations was hit harder than for other students. They worry that federal actions related to immigration could harm attendance further. Cervantes’ organization, the Center For Law and Social Policy, found a link during the first Trump administration between immigration enforcement and absenteeism. Raids by immigration officers and fear of immigration enforcement both had a chilling effect on school attendance, the center concluded. After 2016, there was an uptick in immigration officers raiding work sites and homes, Cervantes says. Her team noticed that for days following a raid, immigrant students wouldn’t arrive at school. Center researchers also heard about immigration officers parking outside of elementary schools and early childhood programs to arrest parents they suspected of violating immigration rules. Fears like that spread, Cervantes says. At the time, the Trump administration argued that it followed Sensitive Locations Policy, a federal rule restricting Immigrations and Customs Enforcement (ICE) from operating near locations like schools, child care centers and places of worship. Now Trump is reportedly planning to rescind the policy. Cervantes considers it unlikely that they will start raiding schools even if the administration scraps the policy. But simply revoking the policy will instill fear, Cervantes argues. Some would go further than simply increasing immigration enforcement. Texas Gov. Gregg Abbot previously floated the idea of overturning Plyler v. Doe, a 1982 Supreme Court decision that guarantees students access to public education regardless of immigration status. With a conservative Supreme Court that seems willing to throw away precedent, it feels possible, Cervantes suggests. Even the prospect creates confusion for families about who’s allowed to enroll in schools, she adds. This has only fueled concern that newcomer students will feel less safe at school. When students perceive that their classmates and teachers view them as a problem, they can lose motivation to attend school, says Prerna Arora, an associate professor of psychology and education at Teachers College Columbia University. They are also vulnerable to more bullying, she says. For some students, it can seem a waste of time to attend school if they worry that they won’t be legally allowed to stay in the country, Arora adds. A student once looked at her and asked, “What’s the point?” Arora says. “It really stuck with me.” In the lead-up to the inauguration, Arora hears the sentiment more often. It doesn't help that recent political rhetoric surrounds dramatic proposals such as dismantling the U.S. Department of Education, she adds. The outcomes are far from certain, but instability and uncertainty increase fears, especially in children and family members, Arora says. For advocates, it’s a tense moment. Some believe that threats to enrollment could also take away a potential lifeline for public schools. These communities can lift enrollment numbers for schools, which are suffering years of devastating declines, according to Baur at National Newcomer Network. As immigration patterns change, more families have moved across the country and settled in districts that traditionally haven’t seen large immigrant populations, Baur says. These families have reversed some enrollment losses and brought enrollment-dependent money back to public schools. Baur points to a recent Chicago Public Schools’ enrollment increase — buoyed by an 11 percent jump in English language learners. She isn’t alone in this opinion. In September, New York City Schools Chancellor David Banks described immigrant students as a “godsend” for schools, arguing that they staved off budget cuts and school closures. Baur believes immigration rhetoric will impact district budgets if it means immigrant students are too afraid to go to school. But these students are resilient and can bounce back from these challenges, says Arora, of Columbia University Teacher’s College. For her, that means supporting students' goals for their education, including their academic and social-emotional needs. It’s important to connect with members within that community to help build trust and collaboration among newcomer families, as well as to prepare teachers to do this, she says. Students need to know that they are welcome and wanted in the school and that they can achieve their goals by attending, Arora adds. Confronting Hopelessness Evangelista, of the Internationals Network, believes that preparing families for the administration changeover will help stabilize attendance. During the last Trump term, the New York City schools Evangelista worked with did not take drastic hits to attendance, which she credits to clear communication about school policies and their plans to follow those policies. It's a strategy that many of these advocates have embraced. At the National Newcomer Network, Baur is focused on reinforcing immigrant students’ rights in school. One way of accomplishing this is to make sure people are aware of those rights by sharing resources and partnering with school and district leaders to help them implement immigrant protective policies, she says. In 2017, the New York City Department of Education released a regulation that spelled out clear steps for how schools should deal with immigration officers. It also established a process by which you can and should call or contact parents or families or students to let them know what’s going on, and provided training for school security officers and front desk staff, Baur says. The policy is great because it coordinates efforts across the school community to ensure that everybody knows the rights of students, she adds. Schools should let families know that they are open to all children, Cervantes says. And if the Trump administration rescinds the sensitive locations policy — now known as the Protected Areas Policy — schools still have rights and the ability to restrict immigration officers from coming into their building, she says, adding: They continue to have legal obligations to protect the data of all students and families in their systems — that information will not be shared with immigration enforcement agents. None of those policies or rights will change no matter what the administration does on Day One, Cervantes says. In anticipation, some districts have released statements that aim to fortify families. For instance, Jason Reimann, superintendent of Hayward Unified, a district in California’s Bay Area, published a statement in November that stressed a desire to support newcomer communities. “During this year’s presidential campaign, immigration emerged as a top issue,” Reimann wrote. “I want to affirm to the HUSD community that—as required under federal law—we are committed to providing all students access to a safe, supportive and whole learning experience.” Some educators have leaned into small acts that make students from immigrant families feel welcome. Many educators have put up posters that say “All are welcome” or which depict a butterfly, a symbol of immigration, Baur says. Others encourage Spanish and other languages during appropriate times in the classroom, she adds. Even small welcoming behaviors like that can have a huge impact on students feeling like learning is for them, Baur says.
President Joe Biden is abandoning his efforts to provide some protections for transgender student-athletes and cancel student loans for more than 38 million Americans, the first steps in an administration-wide plan to jettison pending regulations to prevent President-elect Donald Trump from retooling them to achieve his own aims. The White House expects to pull back unfinished rules across several agencies if there isn’t enough time to finalize them before Trump takes office. If the proposed regulations were left in their current state, the next administration would be able to rewrite them and advance its agenda more quickly. Even as the Biden administration moves to pull back the rules, it pushed ahead with student debt cancellation through other avenues on Friday. The Education Department said it was clearing loans for another 55,000 borrowers who reached eligibility through a program known as Public Service Loan Forgiveness, which was created by Congress in 2007 and expanded by the Biden administration. As the pending Biden regulations are withdrawn, nothing prevents Trump from pursuing his own regulations on the same issues when he returns to the White House, but he would have to start from scratch in a process that can take months or even years. “This isn’t the way I wanted it to end,” said Melissa Byrne, an activist who has pushed for student debt cancellation. “Unfortunately, this is the most prudent action to take right now.” She blamed Republicans for putting the Biden administration in this position. “It’s a bummer that we have a GOP that is committed to keeping working-class Americans in debt,” Byrne said. In documents withdrawing the student loan proposals, the Education Department insisted it has the authority to cancel the debt but sought to focus on other priorities in the administration’s final weeks. It said the administration would focus on helping borrowers get back on track with payments following the coronavirus pandemic, when payments were paused. “The department at this time intends to commit its limited operational resources to helping at-risk borrowers return to repayment successfully,” the agency wrote. For the regulation on transgender students, the department said it was withdrawing the proposal because of ongoing litigation over how Title IX, the landmark law preventing sex discrimination, should handle issues of gender identity. In addition, the department said there were 150,000 public comments with a range of feedback, including suggestions for modifications that needed to be considered. At this point, the department wrote, “We do not intend for a final rule to be issued.” Karoline Leavitt, a spokesperson for Trump, accused the White House of “adding more red tape and making it more difficult for him to govern.” “President Trump will not be deterred by their dirty tricks and will use every lever of power to reverse the damage Biden has done and implement his America First agenda,” Leavitt said. Kate Shaw, who served in the White House counsel’s office under President Barack Obama, said it’s not unusual for administrations to speed up or slow down rulemaking. It’s more typical, she said, for the federal government to race to finalize regulations during a transition period, but that can be difficult when there’s a time crunch. “If you haven’t started it early enough, you’re not going to be able to wrap it up,” she said. An administration official, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal deliberations, said the administration still supports the goals of its regulatory proposals. However, the process can be lengthy because it requires legal reviews and collecting input from the public. Federal agencies are now analyzing which rules to finish and which to pull back before the end of Biden’s term, the official said. In recent years, presidents have tended to rely more on executive orders and federal regulations to sidestep gridlock in Congress. However, the rulemaking process can be less durable than legislation, leaving policies more vulnerable to shifts between administrations. There are dozens of other pending regulations across the Education Department and other agencies, ranging from relatively trivial updates to sweeping policies that carry weighty implications for the nation’s schools and businesses. If a rule has already gone through a public feedback process under Biden, Trump could simply replace it with his own proposal and move straight to enacting the policy, effectively bypassing the comment period. The pair of student loan proposals expected to be withdrawn represented Biden’s second attempt at widespread debt cancellation after the Supreme Court rejected his first plan. One of them is a proposal from April that would have provided targeted debt relief to 30 million Americans. It laid out several categories of borrowers eligible for relief. Borrowers who saw their balances balloon because of interest would have had their accrued interest wiped away. Those who had been repaying loans for 20 years or more would have gotten their loans erased. That proposal was halted by a federal judge in September after Republican-led states sued, and it remains tangled in a legal battle. The second rule being withdrawn is a proposal from October that would have allowed the Education Department to cancel loans for people facing various kinds of hardship, including those struggling with steep medical bills or child care costs. Sen. Bill Cassidy, a Louisiana Republican, said Biden never had the authority to accomplish these plans. “With today’s latest withdrawal, they are admitting these schemes were nothing more than a dishonest attempt to buy votes by transferring debt onto taxpayers who never went to college or worked to pay off their loans,” he said in a statement. Although Biden did not achieve the sweeping loan cancellations that he initially promised, his administration has forgiven an unprecedented $180 billion in federal student loans through existing programs. “Because of our actions, millions of people across the country now have the breathing room to start businesses, save for retirement, and pursue life plans they had to put on hold because of the burden of student loan debt,” Biden said in a statement. On Friday, officials announced they were erasing debt for another 55,000 workers—including teachers, nurses, and law enforcement officials—through Public Service Loan Forgiveness. The program promises to cancel loans for borrowers who spend 10 years in government or nonprofit jobs. The $4.28 billion in relief is expected to be the final round of public service loan forgiveness before Biden leaves office in January. Biden’s rule on transgender sports was proposed in 2023 but was delayed multiple times. It was supposed to be a follow-up to his broader rule that extended civil rights protections to LGBTQ+ students under Title IX. The sports rule would have prevented schools from banning transgender athletes outright while allowing limits for certain reasons—for example, if it was a matter of “fairness” in competition or to reduce injury risks. Biden’s proposal left both sides of the issue asking for more. Advocates for transgender athletes said it didn’t go far enough in protecting transgender students from school policies that could unfairly exclude them. Opponents said it fell short of protecting girls and ensuring fairness. The regulation sat on the back burner through the presidential campaign as the issue became a subject of Republican outrage. Trump campaigned on a promise to ban transgender athletes, with a promise to “keep men out of women’s sports.” Had Biden’s proposal been finalized, it was certain to face legal challenges from conservatives who said Biden overstepped his authority. Biden’s broader policy on Title IX, which was finalized in April, faced a barrage of legal challenges that prevented it from taking effect in 26 states.
Jenni Hernandez attends Sacramento State, located in a sanctuary city in a sanctuary state and a campus that welcomes immigrants. Yet because she lives in the country without authorization, the amplified fear she now feels yanks her back to when she was a 7-year-old and first learned her parents could be deported at any time. “Where a lot of my peers would have nightmares about monsters under their beds or things like that, I had a genuine fear that one day my parents were just gonna be gone and I would never know what happened,” Hernandez said. Now, she said, with President-elect Donald Trump’s vow to launch mass deportations, “I’m back to that fear.” Hernandez, 23, was brought to California by her parents when she was 1 and grew up in California’s Bay Area. After high school she found state resources to help her pay college tuition. She isn’t legally allowed to work but participates in a program where she earns experience through volunteering and is given a stipend. As a graduate student assistant at California State University, Sacramento, she is pursuing a master’s degree in higher education leadership. But, she said, “I don’t feel safe anywhere right now.” Related: Interested in innovations in higher education? Subscribe to our free biweekly higher education newsletter. Hernandez is one of an estimated 100,000 undocumented college students in California — the most of any state in the country — who are confronting an especially uncertain future as they pursue higher education and aspire to work. College leaders and advocates for undocumented students are assessing what protections institutions can offer. Some students, advocates said, are grappling with an even more existential question: Should they stay in college? “I think it does put into question the idea of pursuing higher education, putting yourself out there post-election, if it’s going to put yourself or your family members in danger,” said Madeleine Villanueva, director of higher education at the California-based nonprofit Immigrants Rising. Many of today’s undocumented college students — an estimated 408,000 nationwide — are not eligible for any legal protections whatsoever. They had to be at least 15 years old to apply for protection from deportation and a work permit through the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program. But by the time they were old enough to apply, the program was embroiled in court challenges. It has not accepted any new applicants since 2021. Trump recently walked back some of his comments, saying he would work on a plan to allow Dreamers — people like Hernandez who were brought to the U.S. as children and grew up here — to stay. In the same interview, he spoke about mixed-status families — in which some members have legal documentation and others don’t. “I don’t want to be breaking up families, so the only way you don’t break up the family is you keep them together, and you have to send them all back,” Trump said. The uncertainty only heightens students’ fears. “The threats are real and it feels like they’re reinforced almost daily,” said Paulette Granberry Russell, president of the National Association of Diversity Officers in Higher Education. “Students are going to worry about whether they can continue their studies, whether their families will be safe. There’s a culture of fear … and we can’t ignore that.” Shortly after the election, the leaders of the University of California, California State University and California Community College systems issued a joint statement saying that they “remain steadfast and committed to our values of diversity and inclusivity.” “Following the presidential election results, we understand that there is a great deal of uncertainty and anxiety within California’s higher education community,” the statement said. “We are proud to welcome students, faculty, and staff from all backgrounds, experiences, and perspectives, and we will continue to support and protect all members of our communities.” Under President Joe Biden, the Department of Homeland Security issued a memo designating certain “protected areas” where immigration enforcement should not occur, including colleges and universities, health care facilities, social services centers and churches. That protection could lapse in a new administration, however. Undocumented students in California are eligible for in-state tuition and financial aid, and many have access to free immigration lawyers at public institutions. Elsewhere, these students face very different levels of access to higher education and protection. Some colleges, such as Northeastern Illinois University, offer protections similar to those in California: Campus police will not detain or arrest anyone based solely on their immigration status, and they will not work with ICE unless the agency issues a criminal warrant and the university has clear and easily accessible information about what to do if ICE were to enter campus. But in Texas, for example, while state law bans immigration enforcement in primary and secondary schools, that protection does not extend to colleges or universities. Villanueva said some undocumented students are concerned about whether ICE agents could come to college campuses and seize them and whether colleges can protect the information students have shared in various financial aid applications. Related: Trump deportation threats weigh on groups offering FAFSA help The federal Family Educational Rights and Privacy Act, or FERPA law prohibits colleges from sharing personally identifiable information from student records without the written permission of the student, according to guidance from the Presidents’ Alliance on Immigration and the American Association of Collegiate Registrars and Admissions Officers. But colleges can be required to disclose information without student consent if presented with a court order or subpoena, the law says. In California, state law prevents ICE agents from entering private property unless the agents have a warrant. If college officials believe someone was taken into custody by ICE, administrators can quickly reach out to the emergency contact of whomever is being targeted. Many public colleges in California offer students and their immediate family members access to free immigration legal services through partnerships with local advocacy groups. At California State University, Stanislaus, students typically have been able to get an appointment with a lawyer in a matter of days, said Guillermo Metelin Bock, who coordinates support services for undocumented students. But by mid-November, the slots were booked up through the end of the year. Students with DACA status are scrambling to apply for renewals before Trump’s inauguration, and those who have green cards — or have family members who do — are petitioning for naturalization, he said. “Our students have been feeling anxiety, uncertainty and fear now that we know who’s going to be the next president,” Metelin Bock said. Villanueva, of Immigrants Rising, said colleges can take some actions to protect their students. The California attorney general in December published “model policies” or guidance for colleges, written to limit the local and state cooperation with federal immigration enforcement efforts. The document outlines relevant laws and provides guidance on how colleges should handle student information, what to do if ICE requests access student records or wants to enter campus or dorms, and what to do if ICE takes action against students or their family members. For example, the model policies suggest giving students an annual notice of what FERPA protects and what type of information may be available through a school directory — and how to opt out of the directory. The guidance advises limiting the collection of information about a student’s immigration status or national origin unless necessary or required by federal law. Related: Trump deportation plan could separate millions of families, leaving schools to pick up the pieces It recommends colleges designate a staff contact for students, faculty or staff who may be subject to an immigration order or inquiry. If a student is detained or deported, the guide recommends that colleges make every effort to help them maintain financial aid eligibility and keep other funding for their education, and help them reenroll if they are able to return to campus. The guidance also advises that colleges adopt policies about who can access different campus facilities, such as libraries, academic buildings and staff- or student-only lounges. According to federal law, immigration enforcement officers would not need a warrant to enter a university quad, but they would need one to access university student housing. “Change is difficult overall, but it’s particularly difficult if your livelihood or your benefits or anything that you depend on could be at risk,” said Viridiana Diaz, vice president of student affairs at California State University, San Marcos. Diaz said she and other officials are trying to reassure students that they are safe on campus, that ICE officers would not “have access to any of our students” without a warrant. Related: Facing post-graduation ‘firsts‘ and uncertain about DACA‘s future, undocumented students turn to each other for support Alejandro Garcia Del Rio, a senior majoring in business and marketing at Cal State Stanislaus, said he recently attended an off-campus career fair where ICE was recruiting students to be future agents. “Obviously, I felt unsafe,” said Garcia Del Rio, who is undocumented. He tried to act normal and remind himself that the agents weren’t there to arrest anybody. Garcia Del Rio said he’s worried about what Trump’s deportation plan could look like, but he’s trying not to let fear take over his life or limit him any more than his immigration status already does. Contact staff writer Olivia Sanchez at 212-678-8402 or osanchez@hechingerreport.org. This story about undocumented students was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger newsletter.
China will ramp up financial support, cultivate new growth engines, and strengthen services for foreign trade enterprises in order to unlock momentum and foster resilience in the country's foreign trade sector — a critical pillar underpinning overall economic growth, officials and analysts said. As global trade faces strong headwinds and protectionist pressures, China is strengthening the coordination of its trade, fiscal, financial, and industrial policies to provide holistic support for enterprises in stabilizing orders and expanding markets, they added. "Over the past 11 months, China's total imports and exports have reached 39.79 trillion yuan ($5.47 trillion), up 4.9 percent year-on-year. The country's export share in the global market has remained largely stable," Wang Shouwen, vice-minister of commerce, told a news conference in late November. In recent years, the global economy has faced a backlash against globalization, with trade protectionism on the rise. Over the past decade, global trade growth has fallen behind global GDP growth, Wang said. Foreign trade companies have said that the coverage of export credit insurance needs to be further expanded, smaller firms are facing certain financing difficulties, and they are also encountering bottlenecks in sea freight transportation, Wang added. Against this challenging backdrop, China's foreign trade has maintained a stable growth trajectory. However, the country has seen a slight moderation in the pace of expansion since August, Wang said. Foreign trade has been a bright spot in the Chinese economy over the past months, as sluggish domestic demand and a tepid property market have to some extent dragged down overall economic expansion, analysts said, calling for strengthened support in key areas. Increasing financial support, and leveraging financial instruments to hedge against the uncertainties that enterprises may face, as well as reducing capital turnover cycles, are of utmost importance for foreign trade companies, especially smaller ones, said Zhou Maohua, a researcher at China Everbright Bank. The Export-Import Bank of China will be tasked with strengthening credit allocation in the foreign trade domain. The bank will better tailor its financing products and services to meet the diverse needs of different types of trade enterprises, as laid out in the policy package introduced by the Ministry of Commerce. Additionally, financial institutions across the board will be encouraged to increase lending to small and medium-sized foreign trade businesses in accordance with market-oriented and rule-of-law principles, according to the ministry. Over the course of the year so far, the one year and five-year-plus loan prime rates have declined by 0.35 and 0.60 percentage point, respectively, according to the People's Bank of China, the country's central bank. As a result, the weighted average interest rate on new corporate loans extended in September was around 3.5 percent — a 0.31 percentage point drop compared to the same period last year, reaching a historic low, said Liu Ye, an official at the central bank. The central bank will also work to keep the renminbi exchange rate stable at an adaptive and balanced level, while strengthening guidance to prevent the market from tilting to one side, Liu said. As part of the new initiative, dedicated efforts will be made to expand the scale and coverage of export credit insurance, aiming to empower enterprises in exploring more diversified overseas markets, according to a notice issued by the ministry. Asia Best Partner Logistics, a company located in Shenzhen, Guangdong province, provides sea, land, and air transportation and has begun to transform its business to focus more on the cross-border e-commerce sector in recent years. "In the past, our working capital was mostly self-funded. Due to the rapid growth of the international logistics market, our business volume has surged. In order to maintain operations, we had to give up some high-profit but longer-receivable businesses," said Chen Chunhong, head of the company. In 2021, Bank of China's Shenzhen branch learned about Asia Best Partner Logistics' situation and adjusted its credit policy to provide the company with a dedicated 4 million yuan startup guarantee loan. Building on this initial cooperation, in 2022 the bank further optimized its support, offering Asia Best Partner Logistics an 8 million yuan credit line along with international settlement and payroll services to address the company's frequent foreign exchange needs. With the strong financial support, the company has signed premium airline routes, expanded its service offerings, and deepened partnerships with major export and e-commerce firms. Over the past three years, the company has achieved steady 30 percent annual growth on average, Chen said. In addition to robust financial services, catalyzing the growth of the cross-border e-commerce sector is also high on the work agenda, and a key priority is the continued advancement of overseas smart logistics platforms, according to the Ministry of Commerce. Meanwhile, the country will encourage local authorities to explore the establishment of cross-border e-commerce service platforms to provide enterprises with legal advisory, tax guidance, and other crucial business services for navigating overseas markets, the ministry added. During the first three quarters of the year, China's cross-border e-commerce imports and exports grew by 11.5 percent year-on-year, accounting for nearly 6 percent of the country's total foreign trade, data from the ministry showed. The rapid expansion of China's cross-border e-commerce sector underscores its growing significance in driving the overall growth of the nation's foreign trade, analysts said. Lan Qingxin, a professor in the School of International Trade and Economics at the University of International Business and Economics, said that China's cross-border e-commerce has achieved significant breakthroughs in diversifying its foreign trade markets, with business in emerging economies growing rapidly. A number of influential international e-commerce companies have emerged, and an efficient and smart global logistics network has been established, strengthening China's international competitiveness, Lan said. While China's cross-border e-commerce sector has experienced rapid growth, it also faces a range of challenges and shortcomings that require attention. Policies related to the cross-border e-commerce industry have further room for improvement, and some enterprises have only a vague understanding of compliance requirements. The digital infrastructure supporting the sector is still not fully developed, with online service platforms needing stronger functionalities, and Customs clearance processes still facing certain bottlenecks, Lan said. To this end, the government will enhance demand-supply matching by facilitating connections between exporters operating businesses on cross-border platforms and overseas logistics providers, said Vice-Minister Wang. The authorities will provide compliance training to help over 120,000 cross-border e-commerce enterprises, many of which are small businesses, and navigate Customs clearance, taxation, product quality, and intellectual property issues, Wang said. China's foreign trade is heavily dependent on sea freight, with 95 percent of cargo volume transported through maritime logistics. The challenges faced by major shipping corridors this year, including the Red Sea, Suez Canal, and Panama Canal, have had a tangible impact on the international trade environment. The next step is to facilitate matchmaking between local foreign trade companies and freight forwarding firms, enabling better alignment of demand and supply in the sea freight market, said Zhou Mi, a senior researcher at the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Cooperation. The government should also encourage shipping companies to develop online platforms to better cater to the booking needs of small and medium-sized enterprises, Zhou added. Provincial-level regions with fairly large trade volume should take the lead in driving the implementation of these initiatives as they have a crucial role to play in stabilizing the overall foreign trade performance, Zhou said. China's major economic powerhouses — Guangdong, Jiangsu, and Zhejiang provinces — have emerged as crucial engines propelling the country's foreign trade growth. During the first 10 months of the year, these three provinces recorded import and export value increases of 10.6 percent, 7.6 percent, and 7.1 percent year-on-year, respectively. The success of these leading provinces in sustaining their foreign trade growth through the year-end sprint will be critical, as their strong performance has been a significant contributing factor to China's total foreign trade numbers, Zhou said.
For-profit college officials and their investors celebrated Donald Trump’s return to the White House, but the policies they favor may come with more strings attached than during his first term in office. There will be similarities — Trump won’t be interested in limiting the growth of the for-profit college industry, as recent Democratic administrations were, and experts expect far fewer students who claim they were defrauded by for-profit colleges to have their loans forgiven. But there are likely to be differences, too. The traditionally conservative anti-regulation forces in Trump’s first administration will now have to contend with his pledge to hold accountable colleges and universities that get federal money. And while there could be a proliferation of for-profit, career-oriented programs, which Trump has signaled he favors, there may be more pressure on them to deliver on promises to help students get jobs. Here are some areas that for-profits — and their critics — will be watching. One of Trump’s most consequential moves during his first term was rescinding the Barack Obama-era gainful employment rule. That rule set a debt-to-earnings ratio that essentially required career-oriented programs to ensure their graduates could earn enough money to repay their loans. If they didn’t, the school could lose its federal funding — and 99 percent of the institutions that failed to meet that standard were for-profits. Joe Biden’s administration strengthened the rule, but approval dragged on through the rule-making process, with legal challenges and bureaucratic hurdles. Colleges were supposed to submit their final data in January 2025. In practice, gainful employment rules haven’t been enforced for eight years, and under Trump there is little chance Biden’s rules will be enacted. But instead of ripping up the rules as Trump’s appointees did last time, it’s possible that an effort to hold all colleges to some kind of performance standard could make its way through Congress. Some leaders in the for-profit industry support that. “We think a bad outcome would be to simply withdraw all of the Biden-era regulations relating to for-profit schools,” said Jason Altmire, CEO and president of Career Education Colleges and Universities, the leading industry group representing for-profit career colleges, and a former Democratic member of Congress from Pennsylvania. “We don’t want the end result to be that we keep playing the same game of ping-pong back and forth, where each subsequent administration imposes new regulations and then the new administration comes in and withdraws them.” If the pro-regulation forces win, the next battle will be over what gets measured to determine colleges’ eligibility for federal aid — graduation rates, debt levels, income and/or job placement. Some public community colleges tend to have low graduation rates, for example, but they are inexpensive, so their student debt levels are very low, especially compared to for-profit programs. “We see a disproportionate amount of student debt held by students who are coming out of the for-profit sector,” said Amber Villalobos, a higher education fellow at the progressive think tank The Century Foundation. “Specifically students of color and students from low-income backgrounds; we know that these students tend to be overrepresented in for-profit colleges, which is where we’re more likely to see students pulled into high-cost but lower-value programs.” Related: Interested in innovations in the field of higher education? Subscribe to our free biweekly Higher Education newsletter. An analysis of the most recent federal data by The HEA Group, a research organization, looked at 3,887 higher education institutions and found that students at 305 of them were, on average, making less than 150 percent of the poverty-line income ($21,870 a year) 10 years after they enrolled. And 86 percent of those whose students were not hitting the benchmark were for-profit certificate programs. Industry representatives have objected to those measurements, however; they argue that in some occupations in which for-profits play a prominent role, such as cosmetology, employees rely heavily on tips, which may not get reported as income. Another Obama-era initiative, one that critics credit with curbing some of for-profit colleges’ worst practices, is known as borrower defense. The rule allows for loan forgiveness for students who attended colleges that defrauded them; the majority of colleges found liable were for-profits. Under the first Trump administration, borrower defense wasn’t abolished, but then-Secretary of Education Betsy DeVos repeatedly put roadblocks in front of students seeking debt relief. That left a huge backlog of cases for the Biden administration. Hundreds of thousands of borrowers entitled to relief are still waiting to have their cases put through the system, and student debt advocates expect the incoming administration to move slowly on these and future cases. “Borrower defense can’t really be made to go away, but it can be made inaccessible or extremely difficult,” said Eileen Connor, president and director of the Project on Predatory Student Lending. During the election campaign, Trump promised to reform college accrediting bodies — the nonprofit organizations nominally overseen by the federal government that are supposed to guarantee the quality of higher education institutions and act as gatekeepers to federal student aid. He wants to make it easier for new accrediting bodies to be created. “Our secret weapon will be the college accreditation system,” Trump said in a campaign video. “The accreditors are supposed to ensure that schools are not ripping off students and taxpayers, but they have failed totally.” In addition to firing “the radical Left accreditors that have allowed our colleges to become dominated by Marxist Maniacs and lunatics,” he said he wanted to ensure that colleges are “offering options for accelerated and low-cost degrees [and] providing meaningful job placement and career services.” “Folks around the Trump campaign and Trump himself recognize the accreditors as a central problem,” said Preston Cooper, a senior fellow at the conservative think tank American Enterprise Institute. “The current accreditation system is a cartel that protects institutions but excludes newer institutions that might be more innovative.” While the existing accreditation system has detractors on the left and the right, some critics worry that new accreditors wouldn’t properly scrutinize for-profit colleges; Trump’s first administration, for example, reinstated a previously disqualified accreditor. “The regulatory environment, the pressures for colleges to create new programs that will expand their enrollment, creates sort of like a perfect storm for more students to go to predatory for-profit colleges that won’t have the same level of oversight,” said Jeremy Bauer-Wolf, the investigations manager on the higher education program at the liberal think tank New America. Related: Settlement will wipe $6 billion in student loan debt — but not for these borrowers Indeed, publicly held companies that own for-profit colleges saw a boost in stock prices in the wake of the election. “Institutional investors that might have been reluctant a few weeks ago to invest are starting to look at the sector a little bit more favorably,” said Jeffrey Silber, senior analyst in BMO Capital Markets Equity Research. “There’s always been some private equity firms in this space, but under the Obama administration, many of them pulled back. I saw a little bit of that under Biden as well. I could see some of those folks coming back to the table too.” While for-profit four-year colleges only enroll about 5 percent of college students, their enrollment increased by 8 percent between 2021 and 2023, and preliminary enrollment for showed another 5 percent gain this fall. The real growth, however, in the coming years could be in shorter-term, job-oriented certificate programs. The Trump administration has signaled that it will prioritize higher education that is primarily job-focused, which could loosen up both state and federal streams of funding for the for-profit sector. Trump’s nominee for education secretary, Linda McMahon, is a proponent of what’s known as “short-term Pell.” Pell Grants, which most low-income families use to pay for college, can currently be used only for education programs that last 15 weeks or more (about one semester). McMahon supports a bill, which has some bipartisan support, that would allow federal aid dollars to pay for short-term programs that train students for high-demand jobs. Critics worry the program could be used to support shorter programs run by for-profit companies that deliver poor results for students; a recent report showed no improvement in employment for students who used short-term Pell in a pilot program. But there is a push to attach some strings to the federal funding, including graduation and job placement requirements. Related: Trump picks Linda McMahon to lead, and possibly dismantle, Education Department For-profits’ stakes for all these policies are high. The industry has spent more than $6.6 million on lobbying this year, according to campaign finance data provided by OpenSecrets.org. For the most part, experts expect the Trump administration to aim its fire at selective, nonprofit and public four-year colleges. He has threatened to withhold funding from universities he says are indoctrinating students into a “woke” ideology. Some in the for-profit sector say the same regulations that were used against them could be aimed at other higher education institutions. “We were the politically unpopular schools,” said Altmire of the for-profit group Career Education Colleges and Universities. “In a new administration, there are other schools that might find out that having the ability to weaponize regulations against politically unpopular schools is not something that they would be happy with.” Contact staff writer Meredith Kolodner at 212-678-4152 or kolodner@hechingerreport.org. This story about for-profit college was produced by The Hechinger Report, a nonprofit, independent news organization focused on inequality and innovation in education. Sign up for the Hechinger Higher Education newsletter.
“2024年,我国发展新质生产力的实践是丰富的、生动的,也是卓有成效的。突出表现为‘四个加快’,即创新能力加快提升,传统产业加快升级,新兴产业加快发展,未来产业加快布局。”在国新办1月3日举办的“中国经济高质量发展成效”系列新闻发布会上,国家发展改革委副主任赵辰昕对2024年新质生产力发展成效做如此评价。 据介绍,2024年,我国统筹用好“两重”、中央预算内投资等资金,支持重大科技基础设施等建设及老旧设备更新,为科技创新与产业创新融合发展创造更好条件,我国发明专利授权量和技术合同成交额保持快速增长。 产业方面,传统产业深入实施制造业核心竞争力行动计划,制造业高端化、智能化、绿色化发展不断取得新成效。2024年前11个月制造业技改投资增长8.5%,明显快于全部投资增长;新兴产业深入实施国家战略性新兴产业集群发展工程、“东数西算”工程、产业创新工程,2024年前11个月规上高技术制造业增加值同比增长9%,明显快于规上工业增长;未来产业支持人工智能、生物制造、未来能源、量子科技等领域新场景建设,截至2024年11月底,国家新兴产业创业投资引导基金参股501只子基金,带动募资2885.4亿元,支持了8946家初创期和早中期企业。 新质生产力不断培育壮大,是我国扎实推进高质量发展的一个缩影。赵辰昕说,2024年,我国取得了不平凡的发展成绩,经济实力、科技实力、综合国力持续增强,中国式现代化迈出新的坚实步伐:创新活力持续激发,新旧动能转换加快;协调发展扎实推进,空间格局更趋优化;绿色低碳转型加快,发展底色更加鲜明;开放水平稳步提升,国际合作持续拓宽;共享发展全面推进,民生保障扎实有力。 消费是扩大国内需求的重要内容。2024年,我国消费呈现大宗消费增长迅速、服务消费增长较快、消费新增长点持续涌现等特点,消费潜力加快释放。“2025年,我国超大规模消费市场优势没有改变,消费向好的支撑条件和基本趋势没有改变,消费市场将持续呈现平稳增长态势。”国家发展改革委副秘书长肖渭明表示,今年将从促进居民增收减负、丰富消费产品服务供给、培育消费新增长点、改善消费环境等方面入手,实施提振消费专项行动,把促消费和惠民生结合起来。 中央经济工作会议提出,要增加发行超长期特别国债规模,持续支持“两重”项目和“两新”政策实施。国家发展改革委副秘书长袁达表示,今年将从加大建设力度、加强软硬结合、加快工作进度三个方面加力推进“两重”建设。 “比如继续支持长江经济带生态环境保护和绿色发展、西部陆海新通道、农业转移人口市民化公共服务体系建设、高等教育提质升级等重点任务;将水利支持范围拓展至全国大中型灌区、大中型引调水工程;将重点都市圈城际铁路建设等项目纳入支持范围;在全国范围全面实施有效降低全社会物流成本行动等。”袁达表示,将坚持项目建设和配套改革相结合,抓紧推进规划政策制定和体制机制创新,完善投入机制,提高投资综合效益。在去年提前下达今年约1000亿元项目清单的基础上,近期将再下达一批项目清单,推动尽快形成实物工作量。 在加力扩围实施“两新”方面,设备更新支持范围将扩大至电子信息、安全生产、设施农业等领域。“实施手机等数码产品购新补贴,对个人消费者购买手机、平板、智能手表手环等三类数码产品给予补贴。同时,提升标准,进一步提高新能源城市公交车及动力电池更新、农机报废更新补贴标准,加大家装消费品换新的支持力度。”袁达说。
The U.S. Supreme Court on Monday declined to hear two closely watched K-12 cases, one regarding a Wisconsin school district’s “gender identity support plan” policy and another on temporary admissions policies meant to diversify student bodies at three competitive Boston schools. The court’s latest punt on trans issues in schools In Parents Protecting Our Children v. Eau Claire Area School District, a group of parents challenged a Wisconsin school district’s enforcement of administrative guidance for student gender identity support plans. The parents’ lawsuit alleged that the policy allowed students to change their names and pronouns and use facilities aligning to their gender identity without parent notification or consent. Educators and staff, the lawsuit claimed, were trained that “parents are not entitled to know their kids’ identities” but must “earn” that knowledge. This, the parents argued, amounted to a violation of parents' constitutional rights that include the right to make decisions on the care and control of their children, as well as First Amendment rights to the free exercise of religion by interfering with their right to guide their children in accordance with their religious beliefs. Gender support plans are personalized documents intended to build common understanding among staff, parents and a student about how a student’s gender identity will be accounted for and supported in school. These plans take into account factors like a student’s needs, personality, and surrounding community and family. The 7th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in March upheld the case's earlier dismissal by the U.S. District Court for the Western District of Wisconsin. The district court had found that the parents failed to identify any scenario in which the policy infringed upon their parental rights. The parents’ concerns about how the policy could be applied didn’t provide grounds to sue unless there had been injury or imminent risk of injury, the appeals court said. The court also found that the policy didn’t require that parents be excluded from discussions or decisions regarding their child’s gender expression. The Supreme Court’s decision not to take the case was not unanimous. Justices Samuel Alito and Clarence Thomas dissented, with Alito writing that the question presented by the case — whether a school district violates parents’ constitutional rights in the raising of their children when it “encourages” or “assists” in a student’s decision to transition genders — is “a question of great and growing national importance.” The dissent went on to say, "We are told that more than 1,000 districts have adopted such policies." Citing the wording of the Eau Claire policy and its guidance regarding training for school personnel that could “keep parents in the dark,” Alito said “the parents’ fear that the school district might make decisions for their children without their knowledge and consent is not ‘speculative.’” The Parents Protecting Our Children case isn’t the first time in recent years the Supreme Court has punted on transgender issues in schools. In January, justices declined to hear a case on an Indiana school district’s policies barring transgender students from using bathrooms aligning with their gender identities. In that case, the rejection upheld a 7th Circuit ruling that the Metropolitan School District of Martinsville and the student’s former principal likely violated the Title IX anti-sex discrimination law in refusing to let transgender students use bathrooms aligning with their gender identities. The decision in Metropolitan School District v. A.C covered the three states under the 7th Circuit’s purview: Illinois, Indiana and Wisconsin. In 2021, the court also notably declined to hear Grimm v. Gloucester County School Board, a case filed in 2015 by student Gavin Grimm after his Virginia school district’s board prohibited transgender students from using bathrooms or locker rooms aligned with their gender identities. What constitutes race-conscious admissions in K-12? In the second K-12 case rejected by the Supreme Court on Monday, parents challenged a temporary pandemic-era admissions policy that reserved seats in three competitive magnet schools for students in grades 7-12 with the highest GPAs in each Boston neighborhood. This policy replaced a traditional admissions system based on standardized entrance exams for Boston Latin School, Boston Latin Academy, and John D. O’Bryant School of Mathematics and Science. It was in place only during the 2021-22 school year. While White and Asian students were still overrepresented in admissions under the temporary policy, they were less so than under the traditional test-based system. The 1st U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals previously affirmed a district court’s ruling in the case, Boston Parent Coalition For Academic Excellence Corp. v. The School Committee for the City of Boston, finding that the parent group's claim that the temporary policy had a disparate impact on White and Asian students lacked merit. The appeals court wrote that whether the use of criteria like residence, family income and GPA was adopted in admissions to increase racial or ethnic diversity or without consideration to its likelihood to increase diversity was in the eye of the beholder. In an opinion concurring with the court’s rejection of the case, Justice Neil Gorsuch wrote that the challenge in hearing the case is that the disputed policy is no longer in place. “The parents and students do not challenge Boston’s new policy, nor do they suggest that the city is simply biding its time, intent on reviving the old policy,” Gorsuch wrote. “Strictly speaking, those developments may not moot this case. But, to my mind, they greatly diminish the need for our review.” But Alito, again joined by Thomas, dissented from the decision not to take the case. Alito wrote that the Boston School Committee, which began exploring changes to the three schools’ admissions processes in 2019, “put race front and center” when voting on the proposal in late 2020 — including opening the meeting “with a lengthy statement from ‘anti-racist activist’ Dr. Ibram X. Kendi.” “We have now twice refused to correct a glaring constitutional error that threatens to perpetuate race-based affirmative action in defiance of Students for Fair Admissions,” Alito wrote, citing both the court’s refusal to hear a similar admissions case involving Virginia’s selective Thomas Jefferson High School in February and its ruling striking down race-conscious admissions in higher education in 2023. In the latter decision, the justices struck down race-conscious admissions practices at Harvard University and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill as unconstitutional, overturning 1978’s landmark Regents of the University of California v. Bakke decision. The cases against the two universities were brought by Students For Fair Admissions, a conservative nonprofit that argued UNC-Chapel Hill favored Black and Hispanic students and that Harvard discriminated against Asian American students. On Friday, however, a federal judge threw a wrench into a follow-up Students For Fair Admissions suit by upholding race-conscious admissions at the U.S. Naval Academy. The practice, U.S. Senior District Judge Richard Bennett wrote, is necessary to help the institution build “an officer corps that represents the country it protects and the people it leads.” This was in line with the 2023 Supreme Court ruling against Harvard and UNC, where Chief Justice John Roberts said in a footnote to the majority opinion that military institutions may have “potentially distinct interests” from traditional colleges in regard to race-conscious admissions practices.
向着强国建设、民族复兴的宏伟目标,奋进! ——元旦献词 大河奔流,长风浩荡。新的一年即将到来。站在2024年岁末回首,神州大地升腾起中国式现代化的万千气象,滚滚铁流澎湃着铁路人砥砺前行的磅礴力量。 江山壮丽,人民豪迈。即将过去的2024年,是新中国成立75周年,是实现“十四五”规划目标任务的关键一年。党的二十届三中全会胜利召开,我国经济社会发展主要目标任务顺利完成,中国式现代化迈出新的坚实步伐。在党的坚强领导下,国铁企业坚持干字当头,增强信心、迎难而上、奋发有为,书写了浓墨重彩的发展新篇。 这一年,温暖的嘱托,激发奋进动力。习近平总书记多次亲临铁路视察调研,对铁路工作作出重要指示批示,为新时代新征程铁路事业发展提供了根本遵循。难以忘怀,新年首次地方考察来到天津,总书记详细询问京津城际列车开行情况,肯定“轨道上的京津冀正在形成”;4月赴重庆考察时,总书记走进重庆铁路集装箱中心站,鼓励“大家要继续努力,不断创造新的业绩,作出新的贡献”。难以忘怀,6月在全国科技大会、国家科学技术奖励大会、两院院士大会上,总书记深情点赞“高铁技术树起国际标杆”;12月,总书记向中吉乌铁路项目启动仪式致贺信,强调“高标准、高质量推进工程建设,努力把中吉乌铁路打造成为共建‘一带一路’合作新的示范项目”……总书记的深切关怀和殷殷厚望,给予铁路人巨大的鼓舞和鞭策,万里铁道线上,自强不息的攀登、日新月异的创造,汇聚成以率先实现铁路现代化服务和支撑中国式现代化的强大力量。 这一年,壮阔的征途,激荡改革强音。深入学习贯彻党的二十届三中全会精神,中国国家铁路集团有限公司党组以进一步全面深化改革为动力,充分彰显国铁企业服务党和国家工作大局的担当作为。铁路密布、高铁飞驰,铁路路网规模、质量和现代化水平显著提升,大力促进区域协调发展和城乡融合发展;复兴号奔驰在祖国广袤的大地上,深刻改变人民群众出行方式,创造美好生活新时空;铁路现代物流体系加快建设,有效畅通实体经济“筋络”,助力降低全社会物流成本;铁路帮扶用心用情用力,建设宜居宜业和美乡村,有力服务乡村全面振兴。人享其行、物畅其流,轮轨之上、动力澎湃,一个流动的中国充满了繁荣发展的活力。中欧班列和西部陆海新通道班列量质齐升,中老铁路、雅万高铁、匈塞铁路惠及沿线民众,中吉乌铁路项目正式启动,中国铁路更好服务高水平对外开放,持续为高质量共建“一带一路”展示铁担当、铁力量。 这一年,岁月的年轮,刻录奋斗荣光。奋进强国路、阔步新征程,铁路人开拓创新、奋勇争先,向党和人民交出了一份精彩答卷:中国铁路营业里程突破16万公里,铁路年发送旅客首超40亿人次,中欧班列累计开行超过10万列,复兴号高速列车项目荣获国家科学技术进步奖特等奖,CR450动车组样车精彩亮相,铁路运输主要经济指标稳居世界第一,总体技术水平迈入世界先进行列!赓续传承的事业,欣欣向荣的发展,靠的是一支风雨无阻、斗志昂扬的铁军。以“时代楷模”单杏花为代表的铁路人,胸怀强国之志、锤炼强国之技、勇建强国之功,前进动力更加强大、奋斗精神更加昂扬、必胜信念更加坚定,在铁路现代化建设的火热实践中赢得更大的胜利和荣光。 回首来路自慷慨,再赴新程气如虹。2025年是“十四五”规划收官之年,强国建设、民族复兴伟业,前景无比光明灿烂;进一步全面深化改革、推进中国式现代化,号角愈发催人奋进。躬逢盛世,这是属于我们的时与势;蓝图宏伟,这是赋予我们的担与责。走过光辉历程,走向光明未来,铁路人信心十足,火车头动力十足! 让我们高举思想旗帜,向着强国建设、民族复兴的宏伟目标奋进。万山磅礴看主峰。铁路事业之所以能够取得历史性成就、发生历史性变革,最根本的在于以习近平同志为核心的党中央坚强领导,在于习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的科学指引。我们要深刻领悟“两个确立”的决定性意义,增强“四个意识”、坚定“四个自信”、做到“两个维护”,以更加坚定的政治立场、更加有力的组织领导、更加务实的工作举措,坚定不移在党和国家工作大局下行动,持之以恒推动习近平总书记重要指示批示落实落地,确保铁路高质量发展和现代化建设始终沿着正确方向前进。 让我们锐意改革创新,向着强国建设、民族复兴的宏伟目标奋进。新时代新征程,惟改革者进,惟创新者强,惟改革创新者胜。我们要坚持国家铁路、人民铁路战略定位,不折不扣地落实党中央决策部署,瞄准建设世界一流企业目标,坚持稳中求进、以进促稳,守正创新、先立后破,系统集成、协同配合,把进一步全面深化国铁企业改革推向前进,扎实做好铁路各项重点工作,为服务经济社会发展多作贡献,为实现“十五五”良好开局打牢基础。 让我们坚持干字当头,向着强国建设、民族复兴的宏伟目标奋进。爬坡过坎、滚石上山,需要方法智慧,更需要勇气决心。中国式现代化是干出来的,伟大事业都成于实干。我们要在党的旗帜下团结成“一块坚硬的钢铁”,心往一处想、劲往一处使、拧成一股绳,拿出“拼”的精神、“闯”的劲头、“实”的作风,以钉钉子精神抓好改革落实,当好中国式现代化建设的行动派、实干家。 山高路远,奋进的铁路人一往无前;征途壮美,奔驰的复兴号风光无限。让我们更加紧密地团结在以习近平同志为核心的党中央周围,全面贯彻习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想,更好承担起服务支撑中国式现代化的战略使命,奋力打开改革发展新天地,以推动铁路高质量发展的实际行动为强国建设、民族复兴作出新的更大贡献!
近日,全国工业和信息化工作会议在京召开。 会议指出,2024年,工业经济运行总体平稳、稳中有进,高质量发展扎实推进,新型工业化迈出新的坚实步伐,工业体系全、品种多、规模大的优势进一步巩固。预计今年规模以上工业增加值同比增长5.7%左右,制造业增加值占GDP比重保持基本稳定。制造业投资持续扩大,国家产融合作平台助企融资突破万亿元。 数据显示,产业科技创新取得新突破,国家制造业创新中心达33家,高新技术企业达46.3万家。产业结构进一步优化升级,高技术制造业、装备制造业快速增长,累计培育421家国家级智能制造示范工厂、700家高水平5G工厂,新培育国家级绿色工厂1383家,完成12家城镇人口密集区危险化学品生产企业搬迁改造。178家国家高新区提质增效成效明显,累计培育国家先进制造业集群80家。中小企业高质量发展取得新成效,累计培育专精特新中小企业超过14万家、专精特新“小巨人”企业1.46万家、制造业单项冠军企业1557家,国家级中小企业特色产业集群达到300个,中国中小企业服务网正式开通上线。信息通信业高质量发展扎实推进,累计建成开通5G基站超过419万个,千兆宽带接入用户超过2亿户,实现“乡乡通5G”。预计全年,电信业务总量、软件和信息技术服务业收入同比均增长11%左右。 会议强调,2025年要围绕高质量发展,突出重点、把握关键,扎扎实实做好各项工作。 一是全力促进工业经济平稳增长。实施新一轮十大重点行业稳增长工作方案,加强对工业大省运行调度和督促指导,引导各地因地制宜发挥优势、奋勇争先。深入实施消费品“三品”行动,分级打造中国消费名品方阵。研究制定建立保持制造业合理比重投入机制的方案,加力推进大规模设备更新和消费品以旧换新支持政策落实。纵深推进产融合作,充分发挥产业投资基金和国家产融合作平台作用。启动世界级先进制造业集群培育工程。继续保持烟草行业稳健发展。 二是深入实施制造业重点产业链高质量发展行动。着力补短板、锻长板、防风险,抓紧打造自主可控的产业链供应链。推动完善产业在国内梯度有序转移的协作机制,办好产业转移发展对接系列活动。 三是推进科技创新和产业创新融合发展。深入实施国家科技重大项目,创新攻关组织模式,尽快形成一批带动产业发展的核心技术。建立完善高新技术企业、科技和创新型中小企业、瞪羚企业、独角兽企业等优质企业梯度培育体系。加强国家制造业创新中心建设,布局建设一批国家制造业中试平台、产业技术基础公共服务平台。实施国家高新区新赛道培育行动,推动一批省级开发区升级为国家高新区。加快科技服务业高质量发展,推进国家统一技术交易服务平台建设,建设一批高水平科技型企业孵化器。 四是加强传统产业改造升级。启动实施标准提升引领传统产业优化升级行动。加强重点行业企业技术改造,推进重点行业设备更新、工艺升级、数字赋能、管理创新。深入实施制造业卓越质量工程,加强制造业品牌培育推广。提升民爆行业安全生产水平。进一步加强电动自行车安全隐患全链条专项整治。 五是培育壮大新兴产业和未来产业。实施培育新兴产业打造新动能行动,推进制造业新技术新产品新场景大规模应用示范。推动智能网联汽车发展,扩大北斗应用规模。因地制宜建设低空信息基础设施。开展未来产业创新任务“揭榜挂帅”,制定出台生物制造、量子产业、具身智能、原子级制造等领域创新发展政策。推进服务型制造等新业态新模式发展,提升工业设计水平。 六是推进信息化和工业化深度融合。探索建立工业数据流通和交易机制。坚持“点、线、面”协同,加快规上工业企业、专精特新中小企业数字化转型全覆盖,面向重点行业“一业一策”制定数字化转型指南,用三年时间建设200个高标准数字园区。分行业分区域布局一批制造业数字化转型促进中心。推进工业5G独立专网建设,壮大多层次系统化工业互联网平台体系。实施“人工智能+制造”行动,加强通用大模型和行业大模型研发布局和重点场景应用。全链条推进基础软件、工业软件技术攻关和成果应用,加快建设先进计算产业体系。 七是推动信息通信业高质量发展。完善“双千兆”网络发展政策措施,试点部署万兆光网,力争累计建成5G基站450万座以上。有序推进算力中心建设布局优化,加快网络升级“联算成网”。推动5G演进和6G技术创新发展。强化互联网基础资源管理,完善APP全链条治理长效机制。提升无线电频谱技术创新能力和频谱资源开发利用水平。加强细分行业领域数据安全管理,推动网络和数据安全产业创新发展。提升极端场景应急通信保障能力。 八是推动工业绿色低碳发展。优化绿色制造和服务体系,新培育一批绿色工厂、绿色供应链。加大工业节能降碳攻坚力度,探索推进零碳工厂、零碳工业园区建设。提升工业资源节约集约循环利用水平,培育壮大绿色低碳产业。 九是深入推进中小企业专精特新发展。研究修订中小企业划型标准,推行中小企业专精特新发展评价,开展新一轮中央财政支持专精特新中小企业高质量发展行动,推进中小企业数字化转型城市试点。再培育100个国家级中小企业特色产业集群。提升公共服务质效,建好用好全国中小企业服务“一张网”。加大清欠等帮扶力度,建设国家统一的拖欠中小企业款项投诉平台,推动解决拖欠中小企业账款长效机制落地见效。 十是优化国防科技工业布局。深化国防科技工业体制改革,巩固提高一体化国家战略体系和能力。 十一是支持部属高校“双一流”建设。坚持立德树人根本任务,打造特色“大思政课”,建设高素质专业化教师人才队伍,加强拔尖创新人才培养,打造卓越工程师教育工信品牌。 十二是提升行业治理现代化水平。扎实推进工业和信息化领域改革任务落地见效,尽快推出一批示范性、带动性强的改革措施。加强对部分行业发展的规范引导,鼓励龙头企业兼并重组,推动行业自律,促进有序竞争和良性发展。强化产业政策与财政、金融、贸易、人才等政策协同,加快推进重点领域立法,深入推进依法行政。强化标准支撑牵引作用。加强人才队伍建设。扩大制造业、电信等领域高水平对外开放,推动数字经济、新能源汽车、绿色发展、中小企业等领域国际交流与合作。支持通信管理局全面提升履职能力,更好服务地方经济社会发展。支持部属企事业单位聚焦主责主业,增强核心竞争力。充分发挥协会、学会等社团中介组织桥梁纽带和支撑作用。
近日,工业和信息化部、国务院国有资产监督管理委员会、中华全国工商业联合会等三部门联合印发了《制造业企业数字化转型实施指南》(以下简称《指南》)。 当前,我国制造业数字化转型正由概念普及向规模化推广演进,企业“不愿转”问题初步解决,但大部分企业仍面临转型需求不明确、转型路径不清晰、转型解决方案不成熟等问题。 《指南》参考借鉴了管理学经典循环管理理论PDCA(计划、执行、检查、处理),总结梳理制造业企业数字化转型的共性需求,从制定转型规划、组织落地实施、开展成效评估、推进迭代优化等四个方面提出了转型路径,旨在充分激发制造业企业自身转型动能,系统性、渐进式推进数字化转型。 《指南》提出了系统化、图谱化、标准化推进数字化转型的方法论,把“场景”这一制造业全生命周期的基本单元,作为数字化转型的突破口和供需双方协同推进数字化转型的纽带,将复杂的行业整体数字化转型问题,转化为一个个更具操作性的场景转型问题。立足制造业数字化转型“一米宽、百米深”的典型特点,把复杂的产业链以“解剖麻雀”的方式分解为若干个标准化的“一米”,也就是若干个边界清晰的场景,实现“化整为零”“化繁为简”。通过绘制重点产业链/行业数字化转型场景图谱,分场景梳理工业数据要素、知识模型、工具软件、人才技能等要素需求,形成四类要素清单(简称“一图四清单”),帮助企业明确转型目标和切入点,分析场景的效益价值。 具体来说,《指南》围绕研发设计、生产制造、运维服务、经营管理、供应链管理、跨环节协同等业务流程提出了六个方面的举措。 一是强化研发设计云端协同。引导企业开展云端研发设计,按需订阅产品设计、仿真模拟等软件服务,提升产品仿真效率,降低软件运维成本。鼓励企业探索智能研发新应用,开发“人工智能+”研发设计软件,发展创成式设计、实时仿真等创新应用,加速新产品研发。 二是推动生产过程智能转型。引导企业开展生产全过程的透明化管理,鼓励部署基于工业互联网平台的订单管理、设备管理、质量管理等轻量化工业APP,提升生产过程的数字化管控能力。引导流程工业企业部署先进控制系统(APC)、实时优化控制系统(RTO),推广基于数字孪生的生产决策管控应用,引导离散工业企业实施基于模型的系统工程(MBSE),基于工业互联网平台打通设计、排程、加工、检测等数据,发展“人工智能+”外观设计、排程排产、缺陷检测等新模式。 三是加速运维服务模式创新。引导企业在客户管理、售后服务等领域率先应用生成式人工智能技术,降低服务成本、提高服务效率。鼓励企业开展存量设备管理优化,实时采集分析设备运行数据,探索推动人工智能在设备运维场景落地,开发即时监测、运行优化、自动告警和预测性维护等应用,保障设备的高效运行和安全稳定。 四是促进经营管理流程优化。引导集团型企业建设统一的经营管理平台,开展端到端的流程重构和组织优化,实现基于平台的跨层级、跨企业协同管理。引导企业基于人工智能、大数据等技术重构和集成商业智能(BI),通过办公自动化(OA)、企业资源计划(ERP)、客户关系管理(CRM)等不同业务信息系统,实现基于模型的智能决策。 五是提升供应链弹性和韧性。引导企业构建基于工业互联网平台的多级供应商采购管理系统,基于模型优化供应资源结构,保障供应持续稳定。利用大数据建模构建供应链风险预测分析和评估诊断模型,基于模型对供应链风险精准识别和应急防控。 六是探索跨场景集成优化。引导行业龙头企业绘制重点产业链、重点行业数字化转型场景图谱,推动产业链环节的模块化表达,引导企业开展跨场景数据、模型流转应用探索,带动上下游工具打通、数据互连、模型互认,实现跨场景环节的协同优化。引导企业开展产品全生命周期管理,构建基于模型的系统工程方法开展需求、设计、分析、验证等集成管理,提高产品设计、生产、运维一体化管理水平。 《指南》根据制造业企业数字化基础、企业规模等差异化特点,将企业大致划分为行业龙头企业、大型企业和中小企业三类,并针对不同的企业主体提出诸多差异化转型策略。 行业龙头企业数字化基础较好,企业内部具有相对成熟的数字化转型经验,下一阶段转型重点在于提高产业链协作效率和供应链一体化协同水平,巩固其市场主导地位。龙头企业可以构建面向行业/产业集群的工业互联网平台,打造贯通工具链、数据链、模型链的数字底座,营造开放共享的产业转型生态体系,提升制造资源配置效率,增强产业链供应链韧性和风险防范能力。 大型企业数字化转型重点在于整合现有数字化基础能力,以系统性思维制定整体转型规划,通过建设工业互联网平台提升数据采集、知识沉淀、业务打通、生态搭建等能力,推进企业内部全流程、全场景、全链条数字化转型,实现数据驱动的智能生产决策和运营深度优化。 中小企业数字化基础薄弱,缺乏整体转型能力,应坚持因“企”制宜、重点突破,评估转型潜在价值和可行性,明确转型优先级。专精特新“小巨人”企业可向产品数字孪生、设计制造一体化等更为复杂的场景开展改造。专精特新中小企业和规上工业中小企业以核心场景为突破口,实施深度改造升级。小微企业结合自身资源条件,开展普惠性上云用数赋智,实现业务系统向云端迁移,提升企业经营水平。 《指南》提出,强化部地协同,引导地方结合实际出台配套政策,打好政策“组合拳”;推动金融机构创新金融产品和服务,加大对制造业企业数字化转型的支持力度;编制制造业数字化转型标准体系;培育标准化、低成本、可复用的解决方案,建设服务商资源池;树立数字化转型企业标杆,培育一批“数字领航”企业,制定发布重点行业/产业链数字化转型场景图谱参考指引,遴选一批数字化通用工具和产品;鼓励建设高质量工业数据语料库,推进国家工业互联网大数据中心建设和产品主数据标准建设;健全工业企业网络安全管理制度,深入实施工业互联网安全分类分级管理,构建工控安全评估体系;开展全面数字素养技能提升行动,健全数字化转型领域人才评价机制,营造良好的人才发展环境。
伶仃洋上,烟波浩渺、海天一色,港珠澳大桥如同一条巨龙飞腾在湛蓝的大海之上。自2023年1月“澳车北上”政策实施以来,至今年12月17日,拱北海关在港珠澳大桥口岸累计验放进出境澳门单牌车约259万辆次,自驾“北上”已成为当前澳门居民入出内地最热门的跨境方式之一。 澳门回归祖国25年来,交通基础“硬联通”拉近粤港澳大湾区时空距离,往来广东珠海和澳门间的人员总量近28亿人次。珠海边检总站年查验出入境人数从1999年的3180万人次增长到今年的超1.87亿人次,年查验出入境交通运输工具从162万辆(艘)次增至1027万辆(艘)次。 目前,粤港澳大湾区已建成珠江黄埔大桥、南沙大桥、虎门大桥、深中通道、港珠澳大桥、黄茅海跨海通道等6条公路跨江跨海通道和广深港高铁、佛莞城际2条铁路跨江跨海通道,架起湾区横向“黄金走廊”,粤澳往来更加便捷。 超级通道“拉直”大湾区 12月11日,在庆祝澳门回归祖国25周年之际,黄茅海跨海通道这座“海上长虹”以独特的姿态闪耀在珠江之畔。黄茅海跨海通道、港珠澳大桥分别跨越了珠江口的黄茅海海域和伶仃洋,通过高速公路直连,自西向东构成了一条“超级通道”,“拉直”了大湾区,让江门、珠海、澳门、香港四座城市紧密相连。 时间回溯到1999年12月,广澳高速公路(京港澳高速公路广珠段)建成通车,这是第一条由内陆直接通往澳门地区的高速公路,纵跨珠江西岸,通过虎门大桥连接广深高速公路,将广州、深圳、中山、珠海与香港、澳门连成一体。 20多年来,广澳高速公路沿线相继建起一系列开发区和工业区,如广州南沙自贸区、横琴粤澳深度合作区等。随着交通量的快速增长,广澳高速公路于2022年启动改扩建工程,南沙至珠海段改扩建项目计划2027年全线建成通车,将成为粤港澳大湾区首条“六改十车道”高速公路。 2018年,港珠澳大桥建成通车,实现了珠海、澳门与香港的陆路连接。2023年1月,“澳车北上”政策落地,实现粤澳之间更为密切、更为便捷、更为自主的交通出行服务,进一步推动大湾区人流、物流、资金流、信息流的互联互通,也带动了电子牌照、海关免担保、保险等效互认、网上跨境申办等软联通规则的解决落实。 不仅是陆路,水上出行也更便捷。去年,广州琶洲港澳客运口岸开通,未来从广州市中心搭船出发,可达澳门市中心。截至目前,广东全省共开通粤澳水路客运航线4条,进一步满足粤澳两地居民出行。 多元公交服务加速琴澳一体化 12月2日,澳门轻轨横琴线开通,旅客可以乘坐这一全长约2.2公里的轻轨往返横琴和澳门,6分钟就有一班车,助力澳门融入粤港澳大湾区“1小时生活圈”。 建设横琴粤澳深度合作区,是澳门融入大湾区的着力点和大舞台。2021年9月,横琴粤澳深度合作区挂牌成立,打开“琴澳一体化”发展新篇章。三年来,大桥、城轨打通了地理隔阻,协力创新突破了制度壁障,粤澳两地居民生活生产联动更加紧密。 横琴创新推出了“常规公交+多元服务”的“1+5”公共交通新模式,即除常规公交外,还包括动态公交、“通琴号”自动驾驶小巴、高速公交及勤学勤业线在内的5项多元公交服务,为琴澳两地居民、企业工作人员提供“点对点”便捷高效的跨区跨境通勤班车服务。 人员货物进出高度便利,为澳门更好融入国家发展大局,不断丰富“一国两制”新实践注入更强大动能。“往来琴澳干事创业更便利了。”在横琴经营茶餐厅已10年的澳门青年梁家星说,横琴是一片欣欣向荣、充满活力的地方。截至今年7月,在横琴生活居住的澳门居民达16102人,就业人数达5098人。
12月24日,教育部召开2024年年终总结会,围绕2024年贯彻落实党的二十大和党的二十届二中、三中全会精神及全国教育大会精神,编制实施教育强国建设规划纲要情况等,总结进展成效,分析形势问题,着眼未来三年研究谋划2025年工作思路和任务举措。教育部党组书记、部长怀进鹏主持会议。机关各司局逐一发言汇报,直属单位作书面汇报。部党组成员结合分管工作进行点评发言。 怀进鹏指出,一年来各司局和直属单位坚持以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指导,不断开创建设教育强国的新局面。一是政治能力明显提升。学习贯彻习近平总书记最新重要讲话精神和“第一议题”制度不断走深走实,围绕党中央、国务院重要部署突破思维定势,锤炼过硬本领。牢牢树立大安全观,加快构建立德树人新格局。二是创新能力和执行能力明显提升。注重系统集成,围绕国家战略急需超常规组织实施工作有所作为,教育科技人才一体推进取得重要进展,持续推动教育服务区域经济社会发展。三是协同合作能力明显提升。以更加积极主动姿态加强部门之间、司局之间、与地方和高校之间的横向沟通、纵向联动,分工协作更加高效,央地协同更有成效,内外协同更重实效。四是党的建设能力明显增强。教育系统凝心聚力,教育发展生态不断优化,保持安全稳定良好态势。 怀进鹏强调,2025年是教育强国建设全面布局、高位推进之年。面对全新任务,要牢牢把握教育的政治属性、人民属性、战略属性,学明白、想明白落实党中央决策部署的重点要点、教育强国建设必争领域、改革攻坚的着力点,干明白、悟明白谋划推进的工作闭环、有效方法,以点的突破带动全局工作深入推进。要进一步提高政治能力,坚持不懈用习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想武装头脑,在中国教育与现代化、中国教育与世界教育的大坐标中看清历史方位和责任,强化系统观、历史观、比较观,树立新的大教育观。要提高教育强国建设执行力,提高转化能力,增强政策制度的设计能力和机制建设的谋划能力,突出优先和急需,统筹改革和发展,真正找准教育强国的最关键支点。改革要于法有据,加强预期管理,找准试点切口,做好试点指导,把握好效果,抓住问题本质和推动解决的真办法。 怀进鹏要求,要以“时时放心不下”的责任感抓好岁末年初教育改革发展稳定各项工作,突出重点、扭住关键,注重实干、务求实效,切实做到守土有责,全力确保校园和谐稳定。 教育部机关各司局负责人和直属单位主要负责人,中央纪委国家监委驻教育部纪检监察组负责人参加会议。
丝路动脉活力奔涌 ——霍尔果斯国境站发挥东联西出区位优势全力开好中欧班列纪实 冬日的霍尔果斯天空湛蓝,阳光洒满大地。11月27日,走进中国铁路乌鲁木齐局集团有限公司霍尔果斯国境站联运大楼大厅,巨大的世界地图映入眼帘,85条中欧班列线路以此为起点放射状辐射至中亚、西亚、欧洲等地。这不仅是霍尔果斯国境站在中欧班列大通道中重要地位的真实写照,更是中国铁路高质量服务共建“一带一路”的生动诠释。 党的十八大以来,铁路部门坚持以习近平总书记对铁路工作的重要指示批示精神为根本遵循,完整准确全面贯彻新时代党的治疆方略,发挥行业企业优势,畅通中欧班列西通道,为谱写中国式现代化新疆篇章贡献力量。 千年以前,霍尔果斯就是古丝绸之路上的重要驿站。如今,霍尔果斯国境站作为“一带一路”核心区建设的关键节点,这里演绎着高质量发展的生动故事,展现出蓬勃的发展活力,为区域经济繁荣发展注入了强劲动力。 优化服务提高效率,数字口岸赋能国境站 票据审核确认、放关手续受理核准……在霍尔果斯国境站联运大楼大厅,货运车间联运窗口的张雨瑶和搭档王婉丰,与4名货运代理企业业务员有条不紊地整理票据。 随着数字口岸建设在霍尔果斯国境站深入推进,信息壁垒被进一步打破,沟通渠道更加畅通。海关和铁路数据实现互联互通,部门间的协作更加紧密无间。货运代理企业通过数字口岸系统能够及时获取相关信息,提前完成报关手续,优化制订运输方案,从而大大节约了手续办理时间。车站可根据当日到车情况预排线路、安排班列换装作业,压缩了非作业时间,提高了换装效率,大大缩短了班列平均在站停留时间。 “口岸数字化带来了一系列变化,极大提升了我们的工作效率,帮助我们争取了更多时间办理更多中欧班列业务,也方便了货运代理企业办理业务。”张雨瑶介绍。 联创共建协同配合,班列运行畅通无阻 电话铃声此起彼伏,电脑屏幕数字不断跳动,调度员神情专注监控视频里的车流……当天,霍尔果斯国境站安全生产指挥中心内,运输、调度、指挥,现场一片紧张忙碌。 安全生产指挥中心作为口岸运输的“心脏”,一刻都马虎不得。“我们实行24小时轮班制,确保每个岗位一直有人,为的就是保证口岸安全运转、中欧班列及时安全开行。为此,我们实现了宽轨场、准轨场、换装库、边检场‘四场合一’集中控制和行车组织与调度指挥,中欧班列接发效率和通关效率大大提升。”安全生产指挥中心副主任于荣脸上露出自豪的笑容。 得益于上级部门的支持,霍尔果斯国境站年度通行中欧班列数量越来越多。中欧班列开行速度不断提升,运输需求不断增加,全程时刻表中欧班列开行……这些都对国境站中欧班列的通行提出更高要求。为此,霍尔果斯国境站深入挖潜提效,勇于探索创新,放开手脚干,让有利于中欧班列通行的“金点子”落地见效。 ——结合实际实施精准调度指挥,合理运用线路,最大限度提升接发车列数,确保日班计划兑现,对各作业环节实施精细化管理,确保各部门有序衔接。 ——不断优化作业流程,合理安排调车机作业、列车解编,抓好货区货位管理和车辆取送对位,加快车辆周转和配空车使用。 ——压缩制票传达及换装时间,最大限度压减列车在站停时。 联创共建,霍尔果斯国境站与海关、边检等部门携手打通中欧班列过境各环节;优化进出境列车通关作业流程,将原本放在最后的登临检查作业提到了最前端;与边检部门联合开展作业,不断压缩中欧班列检验通关时间,大大减少了班列入境时间;车站增加人员实施平行作业,班列通关效率大大提升。霍尔果斯国境站正成为中欧班列开行的增长极之一。 “实施海关、边检、车站前置平行作业,一趟列车节省半小时,一天下来相当于多开行5列中欧班列。”于荣用形象的话语,道出了节省时间带来的最大效益。 在这里,干部职工拧成一股绳,每名职工都充满着朝气与活力,大家团结拼搏、勇创一流。“现在各项指标已经超过了去年同期,大家信心更足、干劲更大,争取创造新的纪录。”霍尔果斯国境站站长王勇信心满满地说。 联结东西沟通亚欧,国境站交出亮眼成绩单 在霍尔果斯国境站换装场换六线上,3台龙门吊来回穿梭,颜色各异的集装箱被稳稳地放置在敞车上,现场作业繁忙而有序。 自2012年12月开通运营以来,霍尔果斯国境站便以其独特的地理位置和强大的运输能力迅速成为中国向西开放的重要通道。这里向东通过精伊霍铁路与国内铁路网相连,向西则通过哈萨克斯坦阿腾科里国境站与哈萨克斯坦铁路网相通,形成连接中国与亚欧国家的便捷交通网络。 “车站虽然很年轻,但承担的责任使命重大。”王勇站在站史馆巨大的沙盘旁说,“在霍尔果斯国境站,国家安全最重要。铁路用实际行动诠释着维护国家安全的重要责任,用责任和奉献护航中欧班列行稳致远。作为铁路人,我们还要作出更多更大的贡献。” 纪录,在刷新;活力,在奔涌。自2016年霍尔果斯国境站开出首趟中欧班列至今,班列年通行量从2016年的不足400列迅速增长至2023年的7700余列,累计通行中欧班列超4万列。 从最初的每日进出境二三列、搭载几百吨种类单一的服装鞋类,到现在单日进出境22列以上、搭载货物逾万吨、品类丰富至200多种;辐射区域从最初的2个国家、3个城市,到如今的通达18个国家、46个城市和地区,通行中欧班列线路达85条;进出口过货量从建站初期的年过货量100余万吨到2023年过货量突破千万吨。 亮眼成绩单的背后是霍尔果斯国境站不断提升运输能力、优化运输组织、扩能改造站场、精准调度指挥。如今,放眼霍尔果斯国境站站场,宽轨准轨股道畅通无阻,换装场换装线运转有序,多条预留换装线也为今后大发展奠定基础。 驰而不息,“钢铁驼队”持续跑出“加速度”。2023年以来,霍尔果斯国境站高速发展,日均通行中欧班列保持在22列以上,单日交车最高达32列,月度班列通行数量始终保持在600列以上。 作为我国向西开放的重要窗口和丝绸之路经济带核心区的重要组成部分,经过10余年的成长,霍尔果斯国境站已步入高质量发展轨道,为“一带一路”核心区建设提供了重要支撑。截至12月5日,今年经霍尔果斯国境站通行的中欧班列已达8035列,同比增长11.4%;口岸过货量达1116.5万吨,同比增长10.4%。 勇于担当创一流,开拓进取启新程。霍尔果斯国境站正努力向打造更好、更快、更强的国境站的目标奋进,在高质量共建“一带一路”、构建新发展格局中展示作为,持续作出铁路新贡献。
Visitors look at the RISE technology demonstrator program model at the exhibition area of General Electric during the seventh China International Import Expo (CIIE) in east China's Shanghai, Nov. 5, 2024. (Xinhua/Fang Zhe) BEIJING, Jan. 6 (Xinhua) -- Many economists, multinationals and ordinary consumers may share a common New Year's wish for 2025: stable and positive interactions between the world's two largest economies. In 2024, China and the United States celebrated the 45th anniversary of establishing diplomatic ties. In 2025 and the years ahead, the bilateral relationship will continue to attract the global spotlight following the conclusion of the U.S. presidential election. While projections on future China-U.S. ties vary, both worry and optimism underscore one reality: the two countries' engagement matters to all. "History has proven that China and the United States stand to gain from cooperation and lose from confrontation," Chinese Ambassador to the United States Xie Feng said at an event in early December. "At this new crossroads, we cannot backpedal or take one step forward but then two backward," Xie said. "Mutual benefit is the most beautiful vocabulary in China's dictionary, and win-win cooperation is the best choice for our two countries." INTERTWINED INTERESTS Over the past decades, the economic interests of China and the United States have become deeply intertwined. During the 1979-2023 period, trade between the two countries surged by over 200-fold, with the total volume of two-way investment surpassing 260 billion U.S. dollars. According to an April report by the U.S.-China Business Council (USCBC), China was the United States' third-largest goods export market in 2023 and the sixth-largest services export market in 2022. In 2022, exports to China supported over 930,000 jobs in the United States. China has been a land of opportunity for U.S. firms. More than 70,000 American companies have established businesses in the country. Notably, American companies comprised the largest foreign exhibitors contingent at the inaugural and second China International Supply Chain Expo. Among Apple's 200 key suppliers, 80 percent of them produce their products in China. On the other hand, Chinese firms' investment in the United States has boosted local employment. Chinese member companies of the China General Chamber of Commerce-USA have invested over 144 billion U.S. dollars in the United States, directly creating more than 230,000 jobs. Despite challenges and strains in their bilateral relationship, trade value between the two countries reached 4.44 trillion yuan (about 617.73 billion U.S. dollars) in the first 11 months of 2024, up 4.2 percent year on year. "It is important for us to remind U.S. lawmakers and those in influential positions that every state and congressional district in the United States maintains its own economic and trade relationship with China, and changes in U.S.-China trade policy should be considered very carefully," former USCBC President Craig Allen said. CONFRONTATION MAKES NO WINNER Given the strong interconnectedness between the two economies, raising tariffs on Chinese products and other trade and investment restrictive measures against China will surely backfire, fueling inflation and hindering innovation, among others, history and research have shown. A joint U.S. study released in 2023 assessed the impact of the Section 301 tariffs imposed on U.S. imports of apparel, footwear, travel goods and furniture from China since 2018. For footwear alone, the tariffs imposed an annual direct cost on importers of at least 250 million U.S. dollars, which escalated each year to exceed 450 million dollars in 2022. The study found that the higher costs and higher prices brought by such tariffs eventually fell on American companies and families. Meanwhile, the Section 301 tariffs increased the price of semiconductors in the United States by 4.1 percent from 2018 to 2021, according to the U.S. International Trade Commission. Defaults on U.S. credit card loans have hit the highest level since the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, indicating the financial distress facing lower-income consumers after years of elevated inflation, according to a Financial Times report. The situation could worsen if more tariffs are introduced, which will further fuel inflation. Moves to isolate Chinese firms also come with potential costs, according to U.S. think tank the Peterson Institute for International Economics (PIIE), citing hobbling innovation for the United States and allied business and encouraging circumvention of sanctions. "American firms earn revenue through sales to Chinese customers. Export controls reduce these earnings if U.S. firms are not able to find alternative buyers. Such costs should not be viewed as only a private loss for companies, however: Sales revenue is the most important source of funding for research and development by U.S. technology companies," the PIIE noted. "Reducing certain tariffs, enhancing technological and investment cooperation, and strengthening economic ties could pave the way for a more stable trade relationship and foster long-term economic growth for both countries," said Wang Huiyao, president of the Center for China and Globalization. FOR THE WORLD'S SAKE Graham Allison, a professor at Harvard University known for his concept of the "Thucydides Trap," said on his visit to China in December that the United States and China should avoid falling into the trap and finding the right way for them to get along with each other is important for both countries and the world at large. Together, China and the United States account for over one-third of the world's total economic output, with their combined trade volume representing about one-fifth of the global total. "Any decoupling between us would only make the world poorer," said Xie Feng. When meeting Chinese leaders in early December, heads of major global economic organizations expressed widespread concern over the potential damage to global economic development caused by decoupling practices. They called for the facilitation of trade and investment liberalization. In December, the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development warned that higher uncertainty and continued increases in trade-restrictive measures could "raise costs and prices, deter investment, weaken innovation and ultimately lower growth." "The 2025 trade outlook is clouded by potential U.S. policy shifts, including broader tariffs that could disrupt global value chains and impact key trading partners," the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) said in its latest Global Trade Update. Such measures risk triggering retaliation and ripple effects, affecting industries and economies along entire supply chains, UNCTAD said. "Even the mere threat of tariffs creates unpredictability, weakening trade, investment and economic growth."
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