吉林化工学院
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吉林化工学院—学生翻译实践
以下内容为吉林化工学院学生最近一个月内的翻译实践成果
Who’s Winning—And Who’s Losing—The War Over 5G

The outbreak and spread of the Coronavirus aroused global doubts about the Chinese government’s credibility and trustworthiness—and no wonder. With the evidence mounting that, even when Beijing and President Xi Jingpin knew how deadly the initial outbreak was, they allowed Chinese citizens to travel and spread the virus to other countries, everyone has to ponder the risks of doing business with China—including companies that are only extensions of the Chinese Communist Party’s will. That includes the telecom giant Huawei. In the middle of Huawei’s push to dominate the future of telecommunications with 5G—with 90-plus countries signed up as partners—the coronavirus outbreak threatened to be a public relations disaster. Huawei CEO Ren Zhengfei, however, didn’t let himself get caught on his back foot. Realizing that the future of Huawei’s 5G empire was at stake, he launched a charm offensive to reassure his company’s Western partners. Huawei donated large quantities of medical supplies to countries that are crucial to its 5G strategy, including 6 million medical masks to Canada (never mind that Spain, Turkey and The Netherlands—another recipient of Ren’s largesse—have all complained about the faulty medical equipment they’ve gotten from China). Now the charm offensive is over. According to the Wall Street Journal, as early as February Ren was telling employees “the company has entered a state of war.” He  urged them to “surge forward, killing as you go, to blaze us a trail of blood.” (the language in a transcript of Ren’s remarks was confirmed by two Huawei employees). Who is Huawei at war with, if only metaphorically? Answer: The United States government and the Trump administration, who are trying to warn allies and others about the dangers of relying on Huawei for their 5G future, given the firm’s record as an alleged cyber and IP thief and its reputed deep ties to Chinese military and spy agencies. Huawei sees the struggle over 5G as the equivalent of war. We need to start doing the same, because who dominates 5G will dominate the world. Illinois Will Be The Poster Case For State Bankruptcy Fed Main Street Lending Program Already In Trouble, Likely To Get Worse How One Democratic Governor Looked To Impose A Costly Joint Employer Regulation Amid A Historic Recession Right now the main battleground is Europe. As I described in a previous column, the clash of telecom armies has been most intense in Britain, where prime minister Boris Johnson’s personal experience with the disease Beijing lied about to the world, has made him wary of handing over Britain’s 5G future to one of Xi’s favorite companies. Yet the Trump administration’s case for joining its ban on Huawei technology, and for a Huawei-free 5G option, has been growing weaker. On the one hand, COVID has damaged China’s reputation, and with it Huawei’s. But Beijing and Ren hope that the pandemic has done even more damage to that of the U.S. Our prolonged lockdown economy, and the George Floyd-inspired demonstrations and riots in major cities, give Europeans and others a picture of an America in chaos. Who will be the best partner and guide to your future, Ren can ask his potential customers, the U.S. or China? Germany, it seems, has made its choice. Chancellor Angela Merkel’s cozy relationship with Beijing (compared to her frigid dealings with Trump) is mirrored by Deutsche Telekom’s coziness with Huawei. So has Italy. Other allies, including Canada, still hover uncomfortably on the fence. But if we don’t respond to Huawei’s effective declaration of war, the U.S.-led 5G effort will look more than Dieppe than D-Day—a doomed experiment in establishing a beachhead that only leaves burning landing craft along the strand. Thus far the US doesn’t have a Ren, or a Patton or MacArthur to lead its 5G campaign. Current officials overseeing our telecom policy are doing what they can.  But taking the anti-Huawei 5G case abroad requires clear understanding of both the technology and the geopolitical stakes. It means pressing the U.S. case convincingly on skeptical European and Middle East audiences, not to mention in Latin America where Huawei’s growing influence has been the clearest assault on the Monroe Doctrine since Soviet nuclear weapons turned up in Cuba. Ren Zhengfei’s “trail of blood” language wasn’t meant literally: but it shows he understands that who dominates 5G will dominate the 21st century. Do we?

2025-05-12 孙玮 商务 英-中
回天新材4万吨聚氨酯胶粘剂项目

近日，回天新材发布关于终止投资建设回天新能源新材料技术产业园项目的公告。 据悉，回天新材于2023年1月30日、2023年2月15日分别召开第九届董事会第九次会议和2023年第一次临时股东大会，审议通过了《关于在合肥投资建设回天新能源新材料技术产业园项目的议案》，公司与肥东县人民政府签订了《投资合作协议》，拟在合肥市肥东县投资建设年产10万吨新能源新材料（年产6万吨太阳能光伏硅胶和年产4万吨新能源汽车聚氨酯胶粘剂）及研发中心项目，项目总投资约10亿元，其中固定资产投资不低于6亿元，资金来源为公司自有资金及自筹资金。 回天新材下属全资子公司合肥回天新材料科技有限公司于2023年4月与肥东县自然资源和规划局就前述项目签订《国有建设用地使用权出让合同》，受让取得所涉地块的国有建设用地使用权，出让金总额1539.993万元已全额缴清，该地块未实际建设。 项目终止原因 关于项目终止原因，回天新材表示，自《投资合作协议》签订以来，公司积极推动项目拿地和启动建设，但由于宏观经济及市场环境发生较大变化，项目整体建设实施周期较长，项目预期效益存在较大不确定性。公司经重新研判市场环境，对项目定位及实施情况综合评估后，决定终止该项目建设，并与相关部门协商处理后续事宜，退还相应土地使用权。 项目终止对公司的影响 回天新材提到，光伏及新能源汽车领域是公司核心业务赛道，公司现有光伏硅胶产能约19万吨/年，汽车及锂电池用聚氨酯胶产能约5万吨/年，规模化生产能力和竞争能力处于行业领先地位。本次终止建设回天新能源新材料技术产业园项目是公司结合市场环境变化及投资运营最优化而做出的审慎决策，不影响公司正常业务开展，对降低投资风险、改善公司运营具有积极意义，有利于保障公司整体业务的持续稳定发展，符合公司及全体股东的利益。 该项目截止2024年度已累计投入1,869.86万元（包括保证金、土地出让金及工程款等），扣除终止投资项目及退还土地相关补偿后，在不考虑所得税影响下，本次终止项目及退还土地整体损失预计约600万元。

2025-05-12 孙玮 化工 中-英
教育部党组成员、副部长吴岩到郑州大学调研

近日，教育部党组成员、副部长吴岩到郑州大学调研中国国际大学生创新大赛(2025)筹备工作，河南省副省长宋争辉陪同调研。 吴岩实地调研了冠军争夺赛、创新成果展、成果对接会等大赛重要活动备用场地情况，并召开工作座谈会。吴岩强调，要深入贯彻落实习近平总书记给中国国际大学生创新大赛参赛学生代表的重要回信精神，激励青年学生在创新创业中增本领、长才干，打造新形势下中外青年人文交流的世界品牌。要聚焦“更精、更新、更深”“简朴而不简单”，倒排工期、密切配合、高质量做好大赛各项筹备工作，打造一场惊艳、精彩、经典的创新盛会。 宋争辉表示，将按照教育部要求，全面进入“战备状态”，细化场地准备、赛事流程、项目对接等各个环节，举全省之力办出一届“精彩、安全、祥和、简约”的大赛。郑州大学要充分发挥主观能动性，以创新为核心，在赛事理念、组织形式、成果展示等方面积极探索，为全国乃至全球青年学子搭建一个高水平的创新交流平台。 调研期间，吴岩还实地考察了国家超级计算郑州中心、中原关键金属实验室、“中华源”考古实验室等，对郑州大学办学成效给予肯定，对推动科技创新与人才培养深度融合，更好服务国家和区域经济社会高质量发展提出要求。

2025-05-08 张琪 教育资讯 中-英
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